After Blackout, Remember This Bush Rollback
Following the Aug. 14 blackout, public discussion has focused on problems with our electrical grid and the way our power is supplied. However, demand is also a crucial part of the story. If we can reduce our need for electricity, we can reduce the risk of blackouts.
The Clinton administration, in its final weeks, moved in this direction by requiring that most new air conditioners and heat pumps be made 30 percent more energy efficient by 2006. However, at the urging of manufacturers, the Bush administration immediately lowered this requirement to 20 percent -- which, besides increasing the risk of summer blackouts, will mean higher utility bills and the construction of additional power plants.
According to officials at the Department of Energy, which set the new standard, a 30 percent increase in efficiency would have eliminated the need for 39 new electric power plants over the next 30 years, whereas a 20 percent increase will offset the need for 27 new plants.
In comments delivered Oct. 19, 2001, the Environmental Protection Agency criticized DOE for ignoring the “strong rationale” for sticking with the higher efficiency standard and argued that savings to consumers were “significantly underestimated.” “Changes in the electricity market due to utility deregulation has resulted in increased electricity prices overall,” according to EPA. “DOE did not consider this trend in its analysis,” which even so found $1 billion in “net benefits” to consumers from a 30 percent standard by 2020.
In addition, manufacturers are well positioned to deliver on this higher standard. “DOE justifies a lower [standard] because the higher efficiency levels would put manufacturers out of business,” EPA stated. “However, according to the Air Conditioning and Refrigeration Institute (ARI) database of model combinations, many manufacturers already produce models that meet the [30 percent standard].” This includes “over 7,000 air source heat pump model combinations and over 14,000 center air conditioner model combinations.” Nonetheless, appliance manufacturers lobbied for a 20 percent standard, and the Bush administration obliged, forgoing an opportunity to reduce the risk of blackouts.
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Unfortunately, these questions could be more difficult to answer thanks to a new rule -- issued March 3 by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) -- that claims “critical energy infrastructure information” is exempt from the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). This covers anything deemed potentially useful to a terrorist attack on “production, generation, transportation, transmission or distribution of energy.”
Needless to say, this is incredibly broad. For example, FERC no longer discloses “historical transmission planning reports,” in which utilities describe their power flow, transmission plans and reliability, and present a detailed evaluation of system performance. In a provision of the rule urged by the power industry, utilities amazingly no longer have to even publicly disclose plans for building a new plant -- leaving no opportunity for public questioning at any point.
FERC actually removed such information from its web site long before completing the rule, just after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001. In the process, the commission assumed that “all oversized documents” contained information that should not be disclosed. No review was undertaken to confirm the truth of this assumption.
FERC, in its words, “next identified and disabled or denied access to other types of documents dealing with licensed or exempt hydropower projects, certified natural gas pipelines, and electric transmission lines that appeared likely to include critical energy infrastructure information” -- again, automatically yanking them from public view with no systematic review. According to FERC, this affected “tens of thousands of documents,” which the commission laughably asserts was “undertaken as cautiously and methodically as possible.” Under the new rule -- which was strongly backed by power companies, including their trade association, Edison Electric Institute -- these once widely disseminated documents may now be off limits even through a FOIA request.
While the usefulness of this information to terrorists is murky or perhaps nonexistent -- the administration has never specifically said why it thinks the information is dangerous -- the broader usefulness is crystal clear, enabling the public to hold FERC and power companies accountable. Unfortunately, in making its decision, FERC failed to consider the substantial benefits of disclosure, ignoring the fact that public pressure and embarrassment provide important incentives for preventive action. As a result, the public could be left unaware of a potential problem until another blackout happens.
This also hampers scrutiny of FERC and the power industry just as debate over how to respond to the Aug. 14 blackout heats up. Earlier this year, FERC proposed to create regional transmission organizations to oversee upgrades of the power grid. However, the administration temporarily shelved this plan to ease passage of comprehensive energy legislation, which is scheduled for negotiation in a House-Senate conference committee this fall. If the administration has its way, this legislation will loosen regulations on ownership, encouraging non-utilities and foreign firms to take over transmission lines on the theory that they will invest to upgrade the power grid. This would continue the trend toward deregulation that started in 1992 -- which consumer groups argue is folly.
In a new report, Consumers Union and Consumer Federation of America point out that deregulation has not worked as planned, costing the public hundreds of millions in extra utility payments while increasing the risk of blackouts. Instead, they argue, Congress should focus on upgrading the power grid, and drop the illusion that power companies will take it on themselves with just a little more deregulation.
Whatever path is ultimately chosen, FERC’s decision to withhold information on transmission lines could make it more difficult to assess whether necessary upgrades are being made and performance is improving -- making problems more likely. Unfortunately, the Bush administration doesn’t seem to appreciate that disclosure can actually help protect the public.
FERC, in particular, has shown that it can’t be blindly trusted to deal with information reported by industry. As California endured rolling blackouts between November 2000 and May 2001, it became clear that power companies, most notably Enron, had purposely caused the shortages to drive up prices and pad their bottom line -- taking advantage of the state’s deregulation of electricity two years earlier.
This market manipulation should have been obvious to FERC, which repeatedly refused to take action to protect consumers. As stated in a report by the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee on Nov. 12, 2002, “On a number of occasions, FERC was provided with sufficient information to raise suspicions of improper activities -- or had itself identified potential problems -- in areas where it had regulatory responsibilities over Enron, but failed to understand the significance of the information or its implications. Over and over again, FERC displayed a striking lack of thoroughness and determination with respect to key aspects of Enron’s activities -- an approach seemingly embedded in its regulatory philosophy, regulations, and practices.” With FERC now withholding information necessary for democratic accountability, we can only hope this will change.