Blog Posts of Craig Jennings

Super Committee "Failure" Is Anything But

 

On Monday evening (Nov. 21), the Super Committee formally announced that it was unable to reach an agreement for reducing the federal deficit by $1.2 trillion. While others are decrying the lack of agreement by the Super Committee and calling it a failure, we at OMB Watch believe that each of us should, instead, be relieved.

The Super Committee was given less than 10 weeks to come to agreement on fundamental questions about the relationship of the federal government to the people it governs. Putting in place drastic funding cuts to Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and an array of vital programs that serve the American people would have been, under these circumstances, no less than absurd. Open and participatory lawmaking is the only way to ensure that federal budget policies support national priorities.

There are a series of fundamental questions we, as a country, are asking. Questions like: Should those who benefit most from the economy contribute more than everyone else? Is there some baseline level of living standards that everyone should enjoy? What is it? To what extent should the government protect people from pollution created by corporations that profit from manufacturing that creates such pollution? Will our physical safety be threatened if we have fewer nuclear submarines or stealth fighters?

The American people don't yet have a consensus on the answers to these questions, but we do know how essential it is that we begin to discover one. Once we have reached that point, it's Congress' job to legislate that consensus. It is not, however, Congress' job to sit behind closed doors and fundamentally restructure the federal budget without public input and without being held accountable for the massive restructuring of our national priorities that would result from such major budgetary decisions. The authority to do so was never theirs to claim.

The Joint Select Committee Deficit Reduction was tasked in August with developing a $1.2 trillion package of cuts and revenue-raisers that at least seven of the committee's 12 members could agree on, and to do so outside of the normal legislative processes. The committee held only four public hearings. It boasted about keeping the details of its private meetings secret. Public input into the negotiations was limited to those few savvy lobbyists had the right contacts programmed in their smartphones.

For these reasons, we join other public interest groups, like the National Women's Law Center, in saying that no deal is better than a bad deal. The inventors of the Super Committee and many other budget gadflies in Washington have come to believe that public scrutiny of lawmaking prevents elected officials from making "tough choices," but making tough choices while simultaneously grappling with public opinions is the central job of members of Congress. Why should they get to take an easy way out?

While we acknowledge that a national conversation about our country's budgetary priorities is necessary, we urge Congress to, the next time around, start this conversation the right way: Involve the American people, conduct their deliberations in a truly transparent fashion, and consider the best interests of those they represent.

(Craig Jennings 11/28/11; 1 comment)

Latest Super Committee Proposals Steer Clear of Fiscal Responsibility

 

Members of the Super Committee appear as far apart as ever when it comes to agreeing to a deal that would reduce the deficit by $1.2 trillion over the next ten years and the latest offer from some Democrats on the committee indicates that if a deal does actually win approval, it will be deeply irresponsible. A deal of this sort would maintain current inequities in the tax code while slashing funding for public protections and health care programs that are vital to working families and retirees.

In any negotiation, there are two poles – one from each side of the bargaining table. Eventually, a bargain is struck that falls somewhere between the initial positions' of the parties. For example, one can look at a plan put forth by the Super Committee's Republicans last week as their current bargaining position. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities notes that this plan:

...seems designed to make only a modest revenue contribution toward deficit reduction and then to take revenues off the table for the larger rounds of deficit reduction that must follow. Moreover, even while yielding modest savings, the revenue component would make the package less balanced by conferring large new tax cuts on the wealthiest Americans while forcing low- and middle-income Americans to bear most of the plan's budget cuts as well as its tax increases.

This is a plan that prioritizes the concerns of the wealthy over the needs of the rest of the nation. From the other side of the table – the nominally progressive side – the Democrats responded with a plan that unfortunately shares some negative characteristics of the Republican proposal.

While the Democratic plan would collect more revenue than the Republican one, it appears to do so in a way that moves the overall burden of plan onto the backs of middle-class families by cutting $1 trillion in spending that supports health care, education, and public protections while preserving current tax levels for the wealthy and corporations.

The tax changes that Democrats proposed would raise $1 trillion over the next decade, with $350 billion coming from "miscellaneous revenue provisions" and $650 billion to be generated through a revenue package created by Congress's standing tax-writing committees. This package, however, would have to adhere to a few stipulations that do nothing to shift responsibility to the wealthy and corporations:

  • An assumption that all of the Bush tax cuts are extended
  • Limits the top tax bracket to 35 percent, which maintains a large Bush tax cut for the wealthy
  • The tax code remains "as progressive as current law"
  • Corporate taxes are reformed to "enhance competitiveness"

That Democrats would like to see the tax code remain “as progressive as today” is cold comfort. Upper-income households have seen their tax rates drop much faster than the lower- and middle-classes over the past 60 years, indicating that our "progressive" tax code isn’t nearly progressive enough. In addition, limiting the top bracket to 35 percent would lock in the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy. "Enhancing competitiveness" for corporations is simply code for rearranging the myriad tax breaks and assorted other goodies handed out to corporations through the tax code without actually asking corporations to help maintain the economic system that has allowed them to stockpile record-setting levels of cash.

If Republicans remain loyal to their corporate and wealthy constituents and if Democrats continue to offer plans skewed away from national priorities, the resulting “middle ground” for a deal will be a very bad place. As the clock moves closer and closer to the Nov. 23 deadline for the Super Committee vote, chances of deal continue to fade. However, without an agreement, some $1 trillion in automatic, across-the-board budget cuts will take effect beginning in 2013, also punching holes in those government programs that prevent foodborne illnesses, ensure the safety of workers, aid victims of natural disasters, repair our crumbling infrastructure, and protect the environment.

If the Super Committee cannot come to agreement, Congress should be thankful that a bullet was dodged, reverse the triggered budget cuts, and, going forward, consider the priorities of the nation as whole, not just the priorities of a well-financed subset of special interests that disproportionately influence the federal budget.

(Craig Jennings 11/16/11; 0 comments)

Public Meetings of Super Committee Few and Far Between

 

It's been 48 days since the Super Committee's last public meeting on Sept. 8 (and over a month passed between the Super Committee's second and third public hearings). For those of us who have been watching the Super Committee since day one, eagerly awaiting information on the specifics of its proposal for cutting $1.5 trillion dollars from the federal deficit, 48 days of radio silence not only has us on edge, it also has us questioning the Super Committee's commitment to transparency and the democratic process.

In early August, when President Obama signed the Budget Control Act of 2011 (aka the debt ceiling deal) into law, he also approved the creation of a 12-member Super Committee charged with finding $1.5 trillion in cuts over the next 10 years. In response, OMB Watch joined other public interest groups in demanding transparency from the Super Committee. We created SuperCommitteeWatch.org as a clearinghouse for information about the committee and its pending deficit-reduction proposal, and we wrote up a list of specific transparency asks. We asked for access to:

  • Live and archived webcasts of all meetings and hearings
  • Witness lists and hearing agendas
  • Proposals and supporting documentation
  • A means to collect and aggregate public feedback and reactions to the proposals being considered

Despite the requests of the open government community, we've seen only one public meeting and three public hearings (the third held yesterday). While we acknowledge that the Super Committee has taken initiative by archiving videos of the hearings on their official website, we can't help but feel disappointed at what little effort they've made thus far to include the American people in their decision-making process. Considering the effect the final proposal will have on the lives of Americans nationwide, we think the nation deserves Super Committee transparency on a much larger scale.

Reporters at The New York Times attempted on Tuesday to give us a progress report on the Super Committee's activities. Most of what they managed to uncover, however, were vague references to an apparent stalemate between parties from anonymous sources.

With a Nov. 23 deadline looming over them, the Super Committee is in need of a solution to their apparent stalemate. Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA) told The New York Times that the members of the Super Committee are "no more autonomous than your left thumb. They need some guidance from the White House and from the leadership of Congress."

Here's an idea – how about some guidance from the American people? The Los Angeles Times reported that the Super Committee has received more than 180,000 recommendations from "lawmakers, advocacy groups and ordinary Americans." We'd like to know exactly what these recommendations are, who is making them, and whether or not the committee is taking them into account as they work toward a deficit-reduction plan.

We urge the Super Committee to make public these recommendations, as well as more of its meetings between now and Nov. 23. Let the American people weigh in on what revenue options or spending cuts they'd like to see. Allow them to actively participate in the decisions that will, no doubt, have a huge impact on their lives. Restore some credibility to our democracy. Help the American people participate in their own governance.

If you're interested in getting involved, our colleagues at the Sunlight Foundation have organized a great way for you to have your voice heard. Join them as they "Haunt the House" on October 31. They'll be heading to Super Committee members' offices all around the country to remind them who they work for, and they want you to be there!

The Super Committee has 27 days until its final proposal is due. Let's hope these next 27 days are more transparent than the last 48.

(Craig Jennings 10/27/11; 6 comments)

What Happens When We Tax the "Job Creators"

 

I'm not sure what a "job creator" is, but for Republicans leveling criticism at Obama's recent deficit reduction proposal, a "job creator" is simply a high-income earner. They argue that because many small business owners file their taxes as individuals, if individual income tax rates on individuals are increased, it will reduce the investment capital available for small businesses to hire more people. Here's House Budget Committee Chair Paul Ryan (R-WI) explaining the logic.

The other thing, in the tax side is permanent tax increases on job creators doesn't work to grow the economy. It's actually fueling the uncertainty that is hurting job growth right now. And don't forget the fact that most small businesses file taxes as individuals. So, when you are raising these top tax rates, you're raising taxes on these job creators where more than half of Americans get their jobs from in this country.

In fact,only about 2 percent of small business owners actually see enough profit to have incomes in the top two income brackets. Let's examine Ryan's logic. If I am a small businessman who is able to take home $300,000 in profit/income to support my family (a very small percentage of small business owners, by the way), I will find myself in the 33% tax bracket. Increase my taxes by 3% and I will pay about $5000 more a year. Does Ryan really think that this will have an effect on my hiring decisions? I will hire or not depending on whether there is consumer demand for my product or services. Now let's look at the relationship between tax rates at the very top of the income pyramid and job growth.

Since 1945, the tax rate has been changed 13 times. If the Republicans were correct, we would expect to see employment rise in the year following any decrease in the tax rate (blue bars). As the graph above shows, there is no such relationship.


(click to enlarge)

In other words, the decision to hire or fire really isn't based on whether the top marginal income tax rate goes up or down. The graphic below drives this point home: changes in the job market are not associated with changes in the top marginal rate. Given the available evidence, policy makers concerned about the deficit should have little concern about the economic effects of increasing revenue by asking the well off to pitch in a little more.


(click to enlarge)
(Craig Jennings 09/22/11; 1 comment)

How Prepared is the Budget for a Disaster?

 

In the past week, the East Coast saw two natural disasters, both of which were thankfully much less destructive than they otherwise could've been. These disasters do, however, remind us that the federal government plays major roles in preparation, information dissemination, emergency response, and recovery aid for natural disasters and provide people with the assistance they need and expect when catastrophe strikes.

On Tuesday (Aug.23), an earthquake shook the eastern seaboard. The epicenter was some 80 miles south of DC, but it was felt from North Carolina to Boston. It was the most powerful earthquake to strike the region in a 100 years, yet no one was killed and total damage was very light. Thanks to the U.S. Geological Survey's (USGS) National Earthquake Information Center, I learned-along with a host of other anxious people on the sidewalks of Connecticut Avenue, within minutes, that I had just experienced a 5.8 magnitude earthquake, not a terrorist attack, so calm prevailed. And when the quake struck, the North Anna nuclear power station, located close to the epicenter, shut down almost immediately. Soon after, inspectors from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) were at the plant looking for possible damage.

A few days later, Hurricane Irene made landfall on North Carolina and bounced up the East Cost all the way to Vermont. Because the National Weather Service's National Hurricane Center has access to satellites, radar, aircraft, scientists, and dedicated civil servants, residents in the path of the storm had plenty of time to evacuate. During the storm, the USGS was measuring tidal surges to help measure damage, and the Coast Guard was standing by for rescue missions.

Irene was, unfortunately, a lot more destructive than the earthquake. Thirty-two lives have been lost and damage stretches all the way up the coast from North Carolina to Vermont, where severe flooding is likely to cause continued damage. Estimates for damage are -- so far -- around $7 billion. In the wake of this disaster, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Small Business Administration will help families and businesses affected by the storm to recover. The Farm Service Agency will help farmers whose crops were destroyed. And the USGS will test water in affected areas for pesticides and other dangers, like E. coli.

The events of the last week have demonstrated that without the services of these federal agencies, we'd have seen more lives lost. For those communities impacted by the disasters, the road to recovery would be a lot longer. Yet deficit hysteria and government shrinking conservatives are putting these kinds of public protections and services at risk. The steep budget cuts required by the debt ceiling deal have yet to take effect, but the FY 2011 budget cuts are already being felt. There have been nine disasters with losses greater than $1 billion so far in 2011, representing a total loss of $35 billion. FEMA's disaster relief fund has dwindled, causing that agency to suspend some aid for the Joplin, MO tornado recovery. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Administrator Jane Lubchenco recently noted that funding reductions could delay the replacement of a weather satellite, which would "result in some degradation in hurricane track and intensity forecasts in the important 3-5 day coastal evacuation planning period."

House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-VA) is demanding that any emergency disaster relief be offset with spending cuts in other areas of the budget. However, shifting funds from transportation programs will degrade our infrastructure, hindering emergency vehicle access. Moving money out of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention will slow our response to a flu pandemic. Taking money away from Census will reduce our ability to know who would be hit in a future disaster. Cutting nutrition programs will cause a slow-motion disaster among low-income families. Disaster response rests on a multidimensional platform of public structures. It involves both long-term planning and near-term action, the balance of which must be continuously maintained in order to be effective. Deep funding cuts in these structures weaken our ability to confront the unforeseen and ultimately harm the nation.

(Craig Jennings 08/29/11; 2 comments)

First Glance at the Super Committee

 

As per the debt ceiling deal, the Budget Control Act of 2011, a 12-member special joint committee is to be created to produce legislation that will cut the deficit by $1.5 trilliion. The majority and minority leadership of both houses are tasked with selecting three members each to sit on this so-called Super Committte. Sen. McConnell (R-KY), Sen. Reid (D-NV), and Speaker Boehner (R-OH) made their appointments earlier this week, and by making her appointments today, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) rounds out the Super Committee roster. Here's the complete lineup:

  • Sen. Jon Kyl (R-AZ)
  • Sen. Rob Portman (R-OH)
  • Sen. Pat Toomey (R-PA)
  • Sen. John Kerry (D-MA)
  • Sen. Patty Murray (D-WA)
  • Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT)
  • Rep. Dave Camp (R-MI)
  • Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX)
  • Rep. Fred Upton (R-MI)
  • Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD)
  • Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-SC)
  • Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-CA)

Over the next three months, this 12-member committee will wield a significant amount of power over the fate of at least some $1.2 trillion in national resources. It could create a package that drastically cuts Medicare and Social Security, public protections, programs for low-income families, federal government transparency, and the vast array services provided by the federal government (like putting criminals behind bars). If a majority agree on a bill, it will be voted on by the whole Congress using fast track procedures and blocked from amendment. If the Super Committee fails to produce a package or if Congress doesn't approve it, $1.2 trillion in federal spending will be cut (over 10 years).

Whatever the Super Committee does, it's going to have a big impact on pretty much every American. Yet, the 12 members selected to sit on the committee represent just 16 percent of the American population. And a simple demographic breakdown of the composition of the committee indicates there's a quite a bit difference between the Super Committee and the nation as a whole, suggesting that the committee's priorities may differ from the nation's as a whole.

(Craig Jennings 08/11/11; 2 comments)

OMB Watch Urges Congress to Vote No on Balanced Budget Amendment

 

The House has just passed (218-210) a plan to increase the debt ceiling. Tommorow, the House is expected to take up two versions of a resolution (H.J. Res. 1 and H.J. Res. 2) that, if approved by both chambers, would be the first step to add a balanced budget amendment to the constitution.

OMB Watch has sent a letter to the House strongly urging all members to vote "no" on this harmful amendment.

July 29, 2011

Dear Representative:

OMB Watch strongly opposes the balanced budget amendments being considered by the House of Representatives, specifically House Joint Resolutions (H.J. Res.) 1 and 2. Enacting such amendments would hinder the government's capacity to confront economic downturns and harm vital social safety net and public protections.

Most economists - even conservative ones - believe that the government plays an important role in moderating the ups and downs of the business cycle, but H.J. Res. 1 and 2 undermine its capacity to help America in difficult times. A super-majority requirement in both houses would allow a small faction to exert power over the wishes of the majority of the Legislature and the will of the American people. This is not the way American democracy is supposed to work.

H.J. Res. 1 and H.J. Res. 2 would also require super majorities of both houses of Congress to increase the debt ceiling even though recent events have shown that even a simple majority of either house cannot agree on the proper course of action, and the nation is perilously close to a default or rating downgrade, which will increase interest rates for everyone. Even with H.J. Res. 2, a small minority could hold Congress hostage and significantly increase the likelihood of a future economy-shattering default, putting the full faith and credit of the nation at risk.

Moreover, both balanced budget amendments include a provision making it easier to cut programs such as Social Security and Medicare than close tax loopholes, despite repeated polls showing Americans want a balanced approach to deficit reduction that includes tax revenue and program cuts, but leaves programs for the elderly and the vulnerable alone.

More than 250 public interest groups have signed a letter in opposition to any balanced budget amendment, arguing it would kill our nascent economic recovery. And reports out today show that economic growth this past quarter was much lower than initially expected, in part due to job loss from cuts in government spending. If a balanced budget amendment were passed, job loss would be even deeper, sending the nation into a double-dip recession.

H.J. Res. 1 and H.J. Res. 2 are irresponsible amendments that will over time erode America's quality of life and its ability to be a world leader. We urge you to oppose it.

For more on the balanced budget amendment, read our analyses here and here.

(Craig Jennings 07/29/11; 2 comments)

House Oversight Committee Moves Troublesome DATA Act to Floor

 

This morning, the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform unanimously approved the DATA Act (PDF). And that's a problem, because now it's headed to the House floor with a number of provisions we have serious concerns about.

The DATA Act is fatally flawed in several ways, and we noted the two most problematic provisions in the bill when we stated our opposition to it: that all the measures in the bill are slated to sunset in seven years and that it would repeal FFATA, the law that created USAspending.gov.

To be clear, OMB Watch is supportive of the majority of bill's provisions. It would essentially extend and improve Recovery Act-style recipient reporting and establish an independent agency modeled after the highly effective Recovery Board to oversee federal spending transparency. Most importantly, it would allow us to see far down the sub-contracting chain to see the ultimate recipients of federal funds.

But by repealing FFATA, the bill would actually take spending transparency a few steps back, because FFATA contains a number of data elements that are required to be reported that the DATA Act does not. And unless Congress acts to reauthorize the bill in 2018, the spending information that appears on USAspending.gov and all the other spending transparency created by the DATA Act will disappear. We shouldn't have to be reconsidering whether spending transparency is necessary every seven years or worried that a polarized Congress finding itself in a legislative stalemate will fail to agree on approving time-sensitive legislation.

That transparency advocates on the Oversight Committee -- most notably Chairman Darrell Issa (R-CA) and ranking member Elijah Cummings (D-MD) -- voted to approve such a dangerous proposition is confounding. Issa noted his years-long effort to pass this bill, and yet included a countdown timer for the bill's life. In his opening statement, Cummings explicitly noted his concerns about the sunset provision and the repeal of FFATA along with several other issues he sees in the bill, and yet still agreed to go along with the rest of the committee in moving this bill to a full House vote.

Besides the repeal of FFATA and the sunsetting of the Act itself, there are many other issues where the bill needs improvements. It includes a broad, vague power for the Board to exempt recipients of federal funds from reporting, and a nomination process for the Board's chair that could leave the agency leaderless for years. Based on our experience of helping write FFATA and our experience working with OMB implementing the law, there are other technical changes we think essential. For example, the DATA Act appropriately targets improving data quality. But its solution will not result on better data, just more of it. To get an accurate picture of federal outlays, it is important to obtain data from the government check writer, the Treasury Department.

I would like to point out that the markup session was not for naught. A pair of amendments by Reps. Mike Quigley (D-IL) and Jackie Speier (D-CA) that were added to the bill are welcomed additions. Quigley's amendment would require the board created by the act to determine the feasibility of including tax expenditures on the new spending transparency website. Speier's would require that the board to emphasize finding waste, fraud, and abuse in sole-sourced federal contracts.

A companion version of the DATA Act was introduced by Sen. Mark Warner (D-VA) but without the sunset provision. Yet it still contains the FFATA repeal. Let's hope the Senate spends some time deliberating the merits of these and other issues before that chamber votes on the DATA Act.

(Craig Jennings 06/22/11; 0 comments)

DATA Act Would be a Setback for Spending Transparency

 

It has been a whirlwind 8 days since Rep. Darrell Issa (R-CA) introduced a bill to reform federal spending transparency. On June 13, Issa introduced the Digital Accountability and Transparency Act (DATA Act), held a hearing the next day, and will mark up the bill tomorrow in his Oversight and Government Reform Committee.

A number of organizations, including OMB Watch, that follow federal spending transparency were excited about the bill, even though it was moving at too rapid a pace for such a complex bill. Several organizations, including OMB Watch, gave Issa’s staff mark ups of the bill. The Issa substitute, which will be considered tomorrow, was published earlier today.

The version being marked up tomorrow is a bill that would be a significant setback for spending transparency. Accordingly, OMB Watch opposes the DATA Act as it is currently written. We hope the bill will be improved and that ultimately we can support it.

Here is the main reason why we oppose it. The bill repeals the Coburn-Obama law that created USAspending.gov. In repealing the Coburn-Obama law, the revised Issa bill misses important elements. But even more shocking, the Issa bill sunsets in 7 years. That’s right...no website at all if Congress does not reauthorize it on time!

At the heart of the Issa bill are two elements. First, it converts the Recovery Act Board into a new independent oversight board to deter government-wide waste and fraud. Second, the new board would create at least one new website on government spending. While OMB Watch does not object in principle to this approach, we do object to sunsetting the Issa bill in 7 years. This means that the new board, the website that replaces USAspending, and all the oversight will also expire if not renewed by Congress. That is not how democracy and accountability should work.

OMB Watch has advocated for increased fiscal transparency issues for years and does not oppose this effort lightly. OMB Watch developed FedSpending.org, a website that allows users to more easily review trillions of dollars in federal contract and award data in 2006. The programming from the project was subsequently licensed to the government to serve as the launching point for USASpending.gov. The organization also offered ongoing input to the transparency efforts around the Recovery.gov site.

OMB Watch will develop a more complete analysis of the Issa bill after it is marked up tomorrow. We hope that version of the bill will ensure strong and permanent transparency provisions are protected. Until then, we will continue to oppose the bill.

(Craig Jennings 06/21/11; 0 comments)

When Are We Going to Have a Real Discussion About the Deficit?

 

Sen. Jon Kyl (R-AZ) is getting specific about what the hostage takers Republicans want in exchange for raising the debt ceiling.

Minority Whip Jon Kyl (Ariz.) told reporters that Republicans want $2.5 trillion in budget savings in exchange for voting to raise the country's $14.3 trillion borrowing limit through the end of next year.

"You'd have to do about $2.4 trillion in debt ceiling," Kyl said, "which means you'd have to be about $2 1/2 trillion — at a minimum — in savings."

Of course, this isn't the first time we've heard this line. Speaking at the Economic Club of New York last month, House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) said pretty much the same thing. But according to the WaPo piece referenced above, Kyl's number is noteworthy because it indicates that Republican leadership is settling on a debt ceiling level that will obviate the need to raise it again before the next election. Actually, what's notable is the contention offered in the opening paragraph of the story: Kyl's statement is "the most specific outline of the party's demands thus far."

We're already almost a month past hitting the debt ceiling, and the Republicans have yet to say what services exactly that the federal government provides that we should go without. Much to the dismay of spending cutters in Washington, the fight over federal spending is not about arithmetic (i.e. what gets added and what gets subtracted), it's about what the federal government should stop doing. It's dismaying because, when asked, voters don't want cuts to most of the stuff Republicans want to cut (education, health care, aid to low-income families, environmental protection).

Starting with an arbitrary number and then reducing spending by that amount is backward. Instead, those who want to cut federal spending should come up with a laundry list of all the stuff that they think the federal government should quit doing, and let those service reductions become the debt ceiling ransom deal. What should the government quit providing?

  • Safeguards for clean air and water?
  • Weather predictions and storm warnings?
  • Aid to victims of natural disasters?
  • Protection of the food supply?
  • Services for veterans
  • Enforcing safety standards for consumer products?
  • Federal spending data?
  • Oversight of the broadcast spectrum?
  • Terrorism and crime prevention?
  • Assistance to victims of the worst economy since the Great Depression?
  • Aid to local and state governments to hire fire and police protection?
  • College loans?
  • Dislocated worker training?
  • Research to cure diseases?
  • Nutrition programs that feed children in low-income families?
  • Preservation of natural treasures?
  • Road and bridge maintenance?
  • Construction and maintenance of river levies?
  • Prosecution of federal crimes?
  • Collection of taxes from tax cheats?

Two-and-a-half trillion dollars worth of service reductions is a lot of service reductions—reductions that will be felt by pretty much every American and for some, quite deeply. Budget-cutting Republicans (and Democrats) should start telling us exactly which services represent "out of control federal spending," so we can have a real debate about the federal budget deficit.

Image by Flickr user @mjb used under a Creative Commons license.

(Craig Jennings 06/08/11; 4 comments)