More than 40 million Americans are no longer at risk from a poisonous cloud of gas released from a terrorist attack on water treatment plants thanks to process changes at the plants, according to data collected by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The data, painstakingly compiled and analyzed by the Center for American Progress (CAP), reveal that 554 water treatment facilities across the country have converted to safer chemical processes since 1999. However, millions more remain at risk and the Senate is poised to take on this issue.
The data analysis by CAP and the consultant, Paul Orum, shows that it is technically and economically possible – and enormously effective – to convert dangerous processes to safer ones, thereby reducing or eliminating the risks to the workers and surrounding schools, homes, and communities.
Now, what about the other 2,600 water facilities that still put millions of citizens needlessly at risk from accidentally or intentionally released poison gas? Moreover, what about the more than 6,000 chemical plants that threaten millions more?
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has established a new telephone hotline for citizens to report suspicious or unusual activities involving natural gas drilling. The "Eyes on Drilling Tipline" allows anyone to report activities such as dumping and other "illegal or suspicious hauling and/or disposal activities." Vigilant citizens can call the new toll-free number, 1-877-919-4EPA, or email eyesondrilling@epa.gov.
The EPA encourages citizens to send photos and video of the activities if they have them. So if you or someone you know lives near a gas drilling operation – get your cameras, video recorders, and pen and paper and help the government keep tabs on this egregiously poorly regulated industry.
According to the press release announcing the new tipline, EPA is concerned about the huge expansion of natural gas drilling operations in recent years, and especially drilling in the Marcellus Shale, a huge geologic formation underneath several northeast states, including New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Technical developments in a procedure known as hydraulic fracturing have made these previously inaccessible gas deposits economical to extract in recent years. EPA warns, "Chemicals used in the process are often stored on-site. Spills can occur when utilizing these chemicals or when transporting or storing wastewater, which can result in the contamination of surface water or ground water, which is used for many purposes including drinking water.
The agency is right to be concerned about natural gas drilling, as this factsheet from the watchdog group Oil & Gas Accountability Project makes clear.
Drilling operations pose a threat to environmental and public health in numerous ways. In addition to the threat of spills mentioned by EPA, emissions from toxic waste and burning colossal amounts of diesel fuel pollute the air, drinking water could be threatened by underground leaks of methane and toxic chemicals, and other possible harms.
A loophole in the 2005 Energy Policy Act (known as the Halliburton loophole) reduced EPA's already limited authority to regulate the natural gas drilling industry, and the agency has been able to eke out only a tiny amount of oversight. A bill now creeping through Congress would close the Halliburton loophole and force drillers to disclose to the public what toxic chemicals they are using and threatening water supplies with.
The EPA "wants to get a better understanding of what people are experiencing and observing as a result of these drilling activities. The information collected may also be useful in investigating industry practices."
According to EPA, "Consumers deserve to know the identities of ingredients in pesticide formulations, including inert ingredients." Such disclosure "will empower consumers and pesticide users to make more informed choices.” [news release]
The EPA's Office of Solid Waste and Emergency Response (OSWER) is expanding public participation this month, launching a new online discussion forum on the EPA's blog and planning a "
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has launched a new feature on its website that uses several new interactive Web technologies that let users track the emissions of sulfur dioxide (SO2) from coal-fired power plants. SO2 is a pollutant that causes acid rain and harm to public health. EPA's Acid Rain Program (ARP) has been tracking quarterly SO2 emissions from covered power plants since 1995. The new features are a welcome tool for helping the public and government officials track pollution, hold polluting facilities accountable, and ensure that policies to reduce pollution are working.
Open government advocates have been urging federal agencies to incorporate such "data visualization" tools to help the public see trends, identify problems, and understand the bigger story that all the numbers are telling.
The SO2 emissions tracking tools are found here.
(Brian Turnbaugh 11/20/09; 0 comments)Congress yesterday passed a FY 2010 appropriations measure for environmental agencies that exempts factory farms from having to track and report their greenhouse gas emissions. The exemption applies to a rule issued in September by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) requiring thousands of large facilities economy-wide to monitor and report their emissions.
The mandatory greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reporting rule was issued in response to a Congressional demand included in FY 2008's funding bill. By eliminating huge factory farms from the reporting requirement, members of Congress are deliberately blinding themselves to crucial information needed to make policies to combat climate change. The new funding bill prohibits EPA from spending any money to implement the rule if it covers manure management systems, ensuring that for at least another year, Congress and the public will be ignorant of the climate damage caused by these systems.
The current rule is estimated to cover 107 livestock facilities that use certain manure management systems to handle the tons of animal waste produced by concentrating thousands of animals in feedlots. These manure management systems, which include enormous "lagoons"of liquefied waste, emit roughly 58.7 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e) annually. The manure system operators would only need to monitor methane and nitrous oxide emissions, which are both much more potent global warming gases than CO2, but for comparison's sake, emissions are measured in CO2e. Emissions from these systems have been greatly increasing for years.
Congressional appropriators originally passed the measure calling for the mandatory reporting of GHG to gather information from "all sectors of the economy of the United States."
Iowa Republican Tom Latham inserted the exemption in the House version of the funding bill, and subsequent Republican maneuvers made sure it was in the conference report. According to Latham, "[The reporting rule] doesn't do one thing to improve the standard of living in rural Iowa or any part of this country. But I will tell you what it does do. It significantly drives up costs for farmers and hardworking American families…"
According to EPA, the GHG registry is "intended to collect accurate and timely emissions data to inform future policy decisions." Apparently Mr. Latham feels he and his colleagues do not need the data, or perhaps are not interested in making informed policy decisions.
As for the costs to "farmers and hardworking Americans," the EPA has provided estimates of the potential economic costs to the 107 livestock facilities likely impacted by the rule. According to the agency, a facility might incur expenses of $857 to $1,812 for labor in the first year and some facilities might see capital costs of up to $961 per year over ten years. So the unluckiest of factory farmers would be hit by up to $2,773 in costs in just the first year.
Keep in mind, we are not talking about the proverbial family farmer grazing a few dozen cows or even a few hundred chickens. The rule impacts the largest of the obscenely large operations. To meet the threshold for having to report its emissions, a facility must have at least 3,200 dairy cows, or at least 29,300 beef cattle. Pigs, the notoriously prolific poop-makers, must number 34,100 before one of the "farms," known as concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), must report its GHG emissions from its manure management systems. As for broiler chickens, EPA is talking about tens of millions of birds.
A hypothetical extreme cost analysis puts the rule in perspective. If the estimated 107 impacted CAFOs must each pay $2,773 in the first year the GHG rule is in effect, and if the costs were passed on to consumers at a dollar-for-dollar rate, and if the only consumers of the farms' products were constituents of Mr. Latham's district (pop. 585,305), the first-year cost per person would be $0.51.
At a time when agricultural interests are pushing hard to cash in on pending climate change legislation through measures that will pay them for farming practices dubiously considered to offset GHG emissions, one would expect farmers to support having their emissions reported. Without the transparency provided by accurate monitoring, the market for GHG emissions offsets from livestock facilities might be less lucrative.
Before any meaningful policies on climate change - such as a cap-and-trade system - can be implemented, we must have thorough data. We must know who is emitting and how much. Other industries that are estimated to emit less global warming gases than CAFOs are also covered by EPA's rule. Hopefully Congress's recent action is not the beginning of the chipping away at an indispensable tool for averting the worst impacts of climate change.
(Brian Turnbaugh 10/30/09; 0 comments)Efforts to improve the security of chemical facilities from terrorist attack took a step forward this week as a House subcommittee passed legislation that encourages plants to switch to safer and more secure technologies. The bills – the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Act of 2009 and a related bill that addresses security at drinking water facilities – also require participation by plant workers in assessing vulnerabilities and creating a security plan. With no Republican support, the party-line vote in the Energy and Environment subcommittee sends the bills to the full Energy and Commerce committee for another vote, likely next week. Although the bills still lack crucial accountability measures, they represent a major improvement over the flawed and inadequate temporary security measures now in place.
The bills require all covered facilities to assess whether there are alternative chemicals or processes that they could use that would reduce the consequences of a terrorist attack. For example, numerous water facilities across the country have independently switched from using chlorine gas as a disinfectant to liquid bleach or ultraviolet light. These alternate technologies work as well or better than chlorine gas and do not potentially threaten thousands should a terrorist attack cause a release.
Significantly, the bills give the Department of Homeland Security or the Environmental Protection Agency the authority to require the most high-risk facilities to convert to whichever safer technology the facility identifies for itself – under certain circumstances. A chemical plant can only be forced to convert if it is economically and technologically feasible to do so and if the conversion would actually reduce the risks.
Unfortunately, the bills allow the government to conceal information that should be available to the public. Citizens have a right to know whether the government and the regulated businesses are complying with the law and doing what they must do to make our communities safer. However, under the bills, basic regulatory information can be treated as secret, thereby denying the public the information needed to hold the government accountable and protect citizens.
The bills include valuable citizen suit provisions that give people the power to use the courts to impel compliance with the law. These lawsuits have proven repeatedly to be essential to upholding laws that protect the public interest. Yet, without public disclosure of even basic compliance information, the usefulness of this important tool is undercut. How can the public know whom to sue or for what violations if that information is kept secret? And, to be sure, disclosure of this information would not be a security threat. On the contrary, allowing the government and businesses to implement national security legislation without meaningful accountability arguably is a real security risk.
The House Homeland Security committee passed a weaker version of the chemical facilities bill in June. The Senate has taken no action on the issue, preferring to let the House take the lead and react to whatever it produces. The existing security regulations expired this month, but interim appropriations measures have extended that expiration date. There is a long road ahead for perilously overdue legislation that adequately addresses a serious threat to national security by reducing the risks of a terrorist attack on a chemical plant. Tell your representative to support this effort by clicking here.
(Brian Turnbaugh 10/16/09; 4 comments)Two back-to-back announcements by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) this week extend the agency's admirable record on transparency since the beginning of the Obama administration. EPA announced two policy changes that increase the transparency of the agency's pesticides programs: opening up the registration process for pesticides to public scrutiny and moving to require all pesticide ingredients be listed on product labels.
On October 1, EPA announced that the public will now be able to review and comment on the risk assessments and proposed registration decisions for new pesticides. The public will be given 30 days to comment on the agency's analysis prior to the agency's final decision. EPA assistant administrator Steve Owens claimed, "This new process will give the public greater opportunity to participate and understand decisions about new pesticides."
Just prior to the announcement opening up the pesticide registration process, EPA responded to two petitions submitted in 2006 calling for disclosure of hazardous pesticide ingredients. The agency announced it will develop a new rule to disclose the identities of all inert ingredients in pesticides including those that are not deemed hazardous – a step beyond what the petitioners requested. Unlike the "active" ingredients in pesticides, so-called inert ingredients need not be listed on the label. However, inerts are often hazardous substances that pose a risk to human and ecological health.
Yesterday the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) revealed a set of "Essential Principles" for reforming the nation's severely flawed chemicals management policies. The principles are a helpful and welcome addition to the reform efforts, but they say little about the need for greater transparency. The six principles include calls for greater authority for EPA to set standards and the use of "sound science" to regulate chemicals – even in the face of uncertainty about their health risks.
TSCA reform should include stricter requirements for a manufacturer’s claim of Confidential Business Information (CBI). Manufacturers should be required to substantiate their claims of confidentiality. Data relevant to health and safety should not be claimed or otherwise treated as CBI. EPA should be able to negotiate with other governments (local, state, and foreign) on appropriate sharing of CBI with the necessary protections, when necessary to protect public health and safety.
Manufacturers should be required to provide sufficient hazard, exposure, and use data for a chemical to support a determination by the Agency that the chemical meets the safety standard.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has finalized its mandatory greenhouse gas (GHG) reporting rule. This new rule will require thousands of facilities to monitor and report their annual emissions of several major GHG. The registry should provide much of the detailed, facility-level information needed to develop policies to reduce emissions. Several major changes were made to the proposed rule, mostly in favor of industry. The changes appear to have reduced the amount of facilities covered and the amount of greenhouse gases tracked.
The proposed rule had a "once in – always in" feature that meant that a reporting facility would have to continue reporting to EPA even if its emissions fell below the 25,000 ton-per-year threshold. The final rule however, allows facilities to exit the program after five consecutive years below the 25,000 ton threshold or after three consecutive years below a new 15,000 ton threshold. A facility can also cease reporting if it shuts down the GHG-emitting portions of its operations. This compromise should still provide enough consistent data to allow thorough analyses of emissions trends while letting those who have made sufficient improvements stop reporting.
EPA also reduced the monitoring requirements for manure management systems at the nation's biggest factory farms, a major source of methane and nitrous oxide. EPA estimates only 107 livestock facilities will be covered by the final rule.
In another major change, EPA will not collect data on automobiles and light-duty trucks in this registry. Instead, the recently proposed vehicle emissions rule will serve to collect these emissions data along with fuel economy data.