Blog Posts of Brian Turnbaugh

Millions Protected From Toxic Terrorism, Congress Must Act to Protect More

 

More than 40 million Americans are no longer at risk from a poisonous cloud of gas released from a terrorist attack on water treatment plants thanks to process changes at the plants, according to data collected by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The data, painstakingly compiled and analyzed by the Center for American Progress (CAP), reveal that 554 water treatment facilities across the country have converted to safer chemical processes since 1999. However, millions more remain at risk and the Senate is poised to take on this issue. 

The data analysis by CAP and the consultant, Paul Orum, shows that it is technically and economically  possible – and enormously effective – to convert dangerous processes to safer ones, thereby reducing or eliminating the risks to the workers and surrounding schools, homes, and communities.

Now, what about the other 2,600 water facilities that still put millions of citizens needlessly at risk from accidentally or intentionally released poison gas? Moreover, what about the more than 6,000 chemical plants that threaten millions more?

Tomorrow, the Senate Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee will conduct a hearing on the desperate need to finally pass comprehensive chemical facility security legislation.
 
Currently, the only federal law that addresses this enormous security threat is an industry-written, anemic and overly secretive program that excludes hundreds of high-risk facilities and cannot require facilities to make even minor, common sense security improvements, and it expires in October.
 
In November 2009, the House passed a compromise bill that would greatly improve the situation and has strong support from numerous labor, environmental, and other public interest groups.
 
While building on the existing program operated in the Department of Homeland Security, the House-passed bill adds a number of crucial features. For one, it brings water treatment plants into the program, to be regulated by the EPA. The bill also requires all covered plants to assess what safer technologies are available to it. The resulting security plan would thus include the plant's own assessment of what technologies might work at its specific facility to reduce the consequences to the surrounding community should there be a terrorist attack. Only the highest risk plants, and then only under certain conditions, might be required to implement the options that they identified.
 
The Senate must now craft legislation that addresses the gaping holes in the current temporary program. The only bill the Senate has so far merely extends for five more years the existing security program and ignores its many weakening flaws and gaps.
 
The Senate should build upon the House bill and produce superior legislation that covers more of the high-risk chemical plants, protects plant employees from abusive, excessive background checks, and provides the public with the information they need to hold facilities and the government accountable.
 
The current program – and even the House bill – allows the government to lock up even the most basic regulatory data and deny the public any meaningful accountability. Certainly, an informed public is an engaged and vigilant public. It is through the public pressure resulting from disclosure that new solutions are identified, vulnerabilities that had gone unnoticed are reported to the authorities, and facilities strive for safer and more secure operations.
 
The Senate should expeditiously move to provide us real security instead of a mere extension of the current flawed program. You can urge them to do so here.
(Brian Turnbaugh 03/02/10; 0 comments)

EPA Seeking Citizen Watchdogs

 

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has established a new telephone hotline for citizens to report suspicious or unusual activities involving natural gas drilling. The "Eyes on Drilling Tipline" allows anyone to report activities such as dumping and other "illegal or suspicious hauling and/or disposal activities." Vigilant citizens can call the new toll-free number, 1-877-919-4EPA, or email eyesondrilling@epa.gov.

The EPA encourages citizens to send photos and video of the activities if they have them. So if you or someone you know lives near a gas drilling operation – get your cameras, video recorders, and pen and paper and help the government keep tabs on this egregiously poorly regulated industry.

According to the press release announcing the new tipline, EPA is concerned about the huge expansion of natural gas drilling operations in recent years, and especially drilling in the Marcellus Shale, a huge geologic formation underneath several northeast states, including New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. Technical developments in a procedure known as hydraulic fracturing have made these previously inaccessible gas deposits economical to extract in recent years. EPA warns, "Chemicals used in the process are often stored on-site. Spills can occur when utilizing these chemicals or when transporting or storing wastewater, which can result in the contamination of surface water or ground water, which is used for many purposes including drinking water.

The agency is right to be concerned about natural gas drilling, as this factsheet from the watchdog group Oil & Gas Accountability Project makes clear.

Drilling operations pose a threat to environmental and public health in numerous ways. In addition to the threat of spills mentioned by EPA, emissions from toxic waste and burning colossal amounts of diesel fuel pollute the air, drinking water could be threatened by underground leaks of methane and toxic chemicals, and other possible harms.

A loophole in the 2005 Energy Policy Act (known as the Halliburton loophole) reduced EPA's already limited authority to regulate the natural gas drilling industry, and the agency has been able to eke out only a tiny amount of oversight. A bill now creeping through Congress would close the Halliburton loophole and force drillers to disclose to the public what toxic chemicals they are using and threatening water supplies with.

The EPA "wants to get a better understanding of what people are experiencing and observing as a result of these drilling activities. The information collected may also be useful in investigating industry practices."
 

(Brian Turnbaugh 01/27/10; 0 comments)

EPA Seeking Comment on Disclosing Pesticide Ingredients

 

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced today that it will begin accepting public comments on its proposal to require pesticide manufacturers to label pesticide ingredients. Currently, pesticide makers must label the "active" ingredients in a pesticide, but they are not required to identify the so called inert ingredients. "Inerts" often are toxic or otherwise harmful substances in their own right.

According to EPA, "Consumers deserve to know the identities of ingredients in pesticide formulations, including inert ingredients." Such disclosure "will empower consumers and pesticide users to make more informed choices.” [news release]

The EPA will soon publish in the Federal Register an Advance Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPRM), which is an early step toward reaching a final rule. As soon as the agency's proposal is published, the public will have 60 days to comment. EPA will likely seek comment on options for requiring disclosure of inert ingredients, such as which inert ingredients must be disclosed and whether a voluntary disclosure program would be adequate.

This proposed rulemaking is the agency's response to a pair of petitions, one submitted by the nonprofit group, Northwest Coalition for Alternatives to Pesticides, and a second by several State Attorneys General. The petitions called for requiring disclosure on labels of more than 350 inert pesticide ingredients that have been deemed hazardous.

The agency's response to the petitions is underlain by the sound understanding that the public has a right to know what is in the products they are using – especially if those ingredients are hazardous – and informed consumers can make better, safer choices. Moreover, those informed purchasing decisions will pressure pesticide manufacturers, who will no longer be allowed to hide hazardous ingredients as "trade secrets," to use less toxic inert ingredients in the products they manufacture.

(Brian Turnbaugh 12/22/09; 0 comments)

More Public Participation at EPA

 

The EPA's Office of Solid Waste and Emergency Response (OSWER) is expanding public participation this month, launching a new online discussion forum on the EPA's blog and planning a "video town hall discussion" to discuss the Superfund. In an effort "to enhance the dialogue between EPA and the public," the new online forum and the video discussion will give the public an opportunity to present their views, ask questions, and discuss solutions related to the work of OSWER. As the name implies, OSWER deals with solid waste issues and responses to emergencies like oil spills. The Superfund program, the Risk Management Program, brownfields development, and many different waste and recycling topics fall within this office's jurisdiction.

The online forum discussions are focused around a particular question, posed by EPA. Each month there will be a new question and a new discussion. This month the question is on the topic of community engagement: "How can EPA better engage and prepare local communities, especially economically disadvantaged communities, to meaningfully participate in government decisions on land cleanup, emergency response, and the management of hazardous materials and waste?" There is also a Spanish-language version of this forum.

Since the new administration arrived, EPA has adopted this internet technology for several other forums sponsored by various EPA offices. It has been a useful way to expand the dialogue with EPA beyond the traditional public notice and comment periods announced in the Federal Register. Yet both the public and the agency are still experimenting with this mode of communication. It is not clear yet how the discussions from each month will resolve, or to what extent the conversations will overlap from one month to the next.

Unlike other EPA forums of this type, the OSWER forum seems to be ongoing, not restricted to a particular time period, and there have been comments from EPA posted in response to public comments. Other forums were a very one-way "conversation," with members of the public posting ideas and questions but never getting any response from the agency. So far, this discussion forum includes the two-way communication that marks a healthy discussion. Notably, Assistant Administrator Mathy Stanislaus, the head of OSWER, has responded to several individual commenters. Hopefully additional EPA staff will jump on to the forum, post their own comments, and most importantly, respond to the public's comments.

Other commenters so far include local and federal government officials, businesses, nonprofit groups, and private citizens. It will be worth following the discussions to see what offshoot discussions and additional forums are sparked by this effort, and what policy actions develop.

Not to be restricted to online forums, Assistant Administrator Stanislaus will hold a "Video Town Hall Discussion" on Superfund on December 16, 2009 at 1:00 ET. The first hour of the meeting will present information on several Superfund- related topics. The second hour will be an open forum for any questions relating to Superfund. The public can submit questions by email or call in during the meeting.

(Brian Turnbaugh 12/08/09; 0 comments)

New Web Tools Help Public Track Pollution

 

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has launched a new feature on its website that uses several new interactive Web technologies that let users track the emissions of sulfur dioxide (SO2) from coal-fired power plants. SO2 is a pollutant that causes acid rain and harm to public health. EPA's Acid Rain Program (ARP) has been tracking quarterly SO2 emissions from covered power plants since 1995. The new features are a welcome tool for helping the public and government officials track pollution, hold polluting facilities accountable, and ensure that policies to reduce pollution are working.

In addition to providing the classic spreadsheet full of data, the agency is also providing several interesting tools for the public to view the data. Interactive motion charts showing changes in emissions and emission rates let the user watch the changes at facilities over time. The feature lets the user select and track emissions from individual plants and compare those changes to the changes at all the other power plants. 

Open government advocates have been urging federal agencies to incorporate such "data visualization" tools to help the public see trends, identify problems, and understand the bigger story that all the numbers are telling.

I encourage users to view the brief training video provided on the website to get a better understanding of how to use the interactive features and what the data reveal. (Currently one introductory video is posted, but others may be on the way.) Unfortunately, EPA has not provided a way to ask questions about the new technology and what the data show. Having a live person available to answer questions would be very valuable.

The website also uses Google Earth to map the facilities reporting to the ARP. The user can see where in the country are the power plants with the greatest changes in SO2 quarter-to-quarter emissions from 2008 to 2009. While the map is liberally dotted with blue circles showing the locations of plants that had decreases in SO2 emissions, a large red dot clearly identifies the J.M. Stuart station on the Ohio-Kentucky border as the plant with the greatest increase in emissions. (Using additional data recently supplied by EPA, we can see what J.M. Stuart station, run by Dayton Power and Light Company, is doing with all the coal ash it produces along with the air pollution.)

The data show that since the creation of the ARP, air pollution from SO2 was reduced even as electricity generation increased, supporting the claim that the Acid Rain Program is working. However, the data also raise questions about whether even greater successes are possible and whether the rate of improvement is as fast as it should be.

The ARP is a "cap-and-trade" program that caps the amount of pollution allowed and assigns pollution "allowances" among power plants. The facilities are able to trade the allowances to reduce compliance costs while a gradually shrinking cap ensures that overall pollution decreases. This is the same concept now being considered by Congress to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

EPA acknowledged that the information presented on this site is available in data and maps elsewhere on their web site, but the new features are intended "to make it easier to see if, and where, progress is occurring." Making complex data about environmental impacts easier to see is a laudable and much needed endeavor.

I hope the EPA continues to experiment with new technologies for analyzing and disclosing information. I encourage the agency to expand the use of these interactive features to other types of pollution and to link datasets. For example, it would be useful to see enforcement and compliance information overlapping the pollution data, allowing the public to see who's emitting how much and what the government is doing about it. EPA's Toxics Release Inventory program is already working on such applications.

The SO2 emissions tracking tools are found here.

(Brian Turnbaugh 11/20/09; 0 comments)

Congress Chooses Ignorance on GHG Emissions

 

Congress yesterday passed a FY 2010 appropriations measure for environmental agencies that exempts factory farms from having to track and report their greenhouse gas emissions. The exemption applies to a rule issued in September by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) requiring thousands of large facilities economy-wide to monitor and report their emissions.

The mandatory greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reporting rule was issued in response to a Congressional demand included in FY 2008's funding bill. By eliminating huge factory farms from the reporting requirement, members of Congress are deliberately blinding themselves to crucial information needed to make policies to combat climate change. The new funding bill prohibits EPA from spending any money to implement the rule if it covers manure management systems, ensuring that for at least another year, Congress and the public will be ignorant of the climate damage caused by these systems. 

The current rule is estimated to cover 107 livestock facilities that use certain manure management systems to handle the tons of animal waste produced by concentrating thousands of animals in feedlots. These manure management systems, which include enormous "lagoons"of liquefied waste, emit roughly 58.7 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e) annually. The manure system operators would only need to monitor methane and nitrous oxide emissions, which are both much more potent global warming gases than CO2, but for comparison's sake, emissions are measured in CO2e. Emissions from these systems have been greatly increasing for years.

Congressional appropriators originally passed the measure calling for the mandatory reporting of GHG to gather information from "all sectors of the economy of the United States."

Iowa Republican Tom Latham inserted the exemption in the House version of the funding bill, and subsequent Republican maneuvers made sure it was in the conference report. According to Latham, "[The reporting rule] doesn't do one thing to improve the standard of living in rural Iowa or any part of this country.  But I will tell you what it does do. It significantly drives up costs for farmers and hardworking American families…"

According to EPA, the GHG registry is "intended to collect accurate and timely emissions data to inform future policy decisions." Apparently Mr. Latham feels he and his colleagues do not need the data, or perhaps are not interested in making informed policy decisions.

As for the costs to "farmers and hardworking Americans," the EPA has provided estimates of the potential economic costs to the 107 livestock facilities likely impacted by the rule. According to the agency, a facility might incur expenses of $857 to $1,812 for labor in the first year and some facilities might see capital costs of up to $961 per year over ten years. So the unluckiest of factory farmers would be hit by up to $2,773 in costs in just the first year.

Keep in mind, we are not talking about the proverbial family farmer grazing a few dozen cows or even a few hundred chickens. The rule impacts the largest of the obscenely large operations. To meet the threshold for having to report its emissions, a facility must have at least 3,200 dairy cows, or at least 29,300 beef cattle. Pigs, the notoriously prolific poop-makers, must number 34,100 before one of the "farms," known as concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs), must report its GHG emissions from its manure management systems. As for broiler chickens, EPA is talking about tens of millions of birds.

A hypothetical extreme cost analysis puts the rule in perspective. If the estimated 107 impacted CAFOs must each pay $2,773 in the first year the GHG rule is in effect, and if the costs were passed on to consumers at a dollar-for-dollar rate, and if the only consumers of the farms' products were constituents of Mr. Latham's district (pop. 585,305), the first-year cost per person would be $0.51.

At a time when agricultural interests are pushing hard to cash in on pending climate change legislation through measures that will pay them for farming practices dubiously considered to offset GHG emissions, one would expect farmers to support having their emissions reported. Without the transparency provided by accurate monitoring, the market for GHG emissions offsets from livestock facilities might be less lucrative.

Before any meaningful policies on climate change - such as a cap-and-trade system - can be implemented, we must have thorough data. We must know who is emitting and how much. Other industries that are estimated to emit less global warming gases than CAFOs are also covered by EPA's rule. Hopefully Congress's recent action is not the beginning of the chipping away at an indispensable tool for averting the worst impacts of climate change.

(Brian Turnbaugh 10/30/09; 0 comments)

Chemical Security Bills Make Progress in House

 

Efforts to improve the security of chemical facilities from terrorist attack took a step forward this week as a House subcommittee passed legislation that encourages plants to switch to safer and more secure technologies. The bills – the Chemical Facility Anti-Terrorism Act of 2009 and a related bill that addresses security at drinking water facilities – also require participation by plant workers in assessing vulnerabilities and creating a security plan. With no Republican support, the party-line vote in the Energy and Environment subcommittee sends the bills to the full Energy and Commerce committee for another vote, likely next week. Although the bills still lack crucial accountability measures, they represent a major improvement over the flawed and inadequate temporary security measures now in place.

The bills require all covered facilities to assess whether there are alternative chemicals or processes that they could use that would reduce the consequences of a terrorist attack. For example, numerous water facilities across the country have independently switched from using chlorine gas as a disinfectant to liquid bleach or ultraviolet light. These alternate technologies work as well or better than chlorine gas and do not potentially threaten thousands should a terrorist attack cause a release.

Significantly, the bills give the Department of Homeland Security or the Environmental Protection Agency the authority to require the most high-risk facilities to convert to whichever safer technology the facility identifies for itself – under certain circumstances. A chemical plant can only be forced to convert if it is economically and technologically feasible to do so and if the conversion would actually reduce the risks.

Unfortunately, the bills allow the government to conceal information that should be available to the public. Citizens have a right to know whether the government and the regulated businesses are complying with the law and doing what they must do to make our communities safer. However, under the bills, basic regulatory information can be treated as secret, thereby denying the public the information needed to hold the government accountable and protect citizens.

The bills include valuable citizen suit provisions that give people the power to use the courts to impel compliance with the law. These lawsuits have proven repeatedly to be essential to upholding laws that protect the public interest. Yet, without public disclosure of even basic compliance information, the usefulness of this important tool is undercut. How can the public know whom to sue or for what violations if that information is kept secret? And, to be sure, disclosure of this information would not be a security threat. On the contrary, allowing the government and businesses to implement national security legislation without meaningful accountability arguably is a real security risk.

The House Homeland Security committee passed a weaker version of the chemical facilities bill in June. The Senate has taken no action on the issue, preferring to let the House take the lead and react to whatever it produces. The existing security regulations expired this month, but interim appropriations measures have extended that expiration date. There is a long road ahead for perilously overdue legislation that adequately addresses a serious threat to national security by reducing the risks of a terrorist attack on a chemical plant. Tell your representative to support this effort by clicking here.

(Brian Turnbaugh 10/16/09; 4 comments)

EPA Keeps the Transparency Coming

 

Two back-to-back announcements by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) this week extend the agency's admirable record on transparency since the beginning of the Obama administration. EPA announced two policy changes that increase the transparency of the agency's pesticides programs: opening up the registration process for pesticides to public scrutiny and moving to require all pesticide ingredients be listed on product labels.

Pesticide Registrations

On October 1, EPA announced that the public will now be able to review and comment on the risk assessments and proposed registration decisions for new pesticides. The public will be given 30 days to comment on the agency's analysis prior to the agency's final decision. EPA assistant administrator Steve Owens claimed, "This new process will give the public greater opportunity to participate and understand decisions about new pesticides."

EPA has been criticized for years over the lack of transparency and public involvement in the process that determines what new pesticides are approved for use and how existing pesticides are reviewed. This action engages the public at a key point in the registration process, creating an opportunity to challenge the agency's analysis and proposed decision.

In addition to the risk assessment, it is crucial that EPA also publish the underlying data and methodologies used to develop the risk assessment. The announcement does not indicate these data will also be released. More time for review would be useful as well. Although 30 days is not a long time to review in depth the agency's analysis and the industry science that supports it, it is a welcome "transparency window."

Pesticide Ingredients

Just prior to the announcement opening up the pesticide registration process, EPA responded to two petitions submitted in 2006 calling for disclosure of hazardous pesticide ingredients. The agency announced it will develop a new rule to disclose the identities of all inert ingredients in pesticides including those that are not deemed hazardous – a step beyond what the petitioners requested. Unlike the "active" ingredients in pesticides, so-called inert ingredients need not be listed on the label. However, inerts are often hazardous substances that pose a risk to human and ecological health.

The petitions, one from the Northwest Coalition for Alternatives to Pesticides and 22 other groups and the other from several state attorneys general, identified more than 350 inert ingredients that are considered hazardous under one or more different government programs. For example, creosols are listed as a “hazardous waste” under Superfund regulations, yet they are listed as inert ingredients on labels for pesticide products. According to Beyond Pesticides, "creosols are known to produce skin and eye irritations, burns, inflammation, blindness, pneumonia, pancreatitis, central nervous system depression and kidney failure."

According to the agency's statement, "This increased transparency will assist consumers and users of pesticides in making informed decisions and will better protect public health and the environment." The agency will publish an advance notice of proposed rulemaking – an early step in the process – "in the next few months."

In EPA's response to the petitioners, the head of the pesticides office said she anticipates a "sea change" in how pesticide information is made available to the public. Additionally, according to the response, "EPA believes one way of discouraging the use of the more hazardous inert ingredients in pesticide formulations is by making their identities public." I couldn't agree more, and the history of environmental right-to-know policies bears this out.

The EPA is leading the way on transparency in the new Obama administration. The agency suffered greatly under the previous administration in terms of excessive secrecy, politicized science, and shutting out the public. Now the agency is quickly making up ground lost during the Bush administration and even breaking new ground in transparency and regulation. I hope that momentum continues.

(Brian Turnbaugh 10/02/09; 0 comments)

Transparency Provisions Wanting in New Chemical Management "Principles"

 

Yesterday the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) revealed a set of "Essential Principles" for reforming the nation's severely flawed chemicals management policies. The principles are a helpful and welcome addition to the reform efforts, but they say little about the need for greater transparency. The six principles include calls for greater authority for EPA to set standards and the use of "sound science" to regulate chemicals – even in the face of uncertainty about their health risks.

The EPA hopes that Congress will draw on this list of principles as a guide as it crafts new legislation to reform the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), the primary statute covering the more than 80,000 chemicals in commerce.

During a speech announcing the principles, the EPA administrator said, "over the years, not only has TSCA fallen behind the industry it's supposed to regulate – it's been proven an inadequate tool for providing the protection against chemical risks that the public rightfully expects."

The agency's announcement contains little guidance for Congress or the agency on dealing with the transparency of a reformed chemicals management program.

The principles contain a valuable statement calling for narrow application of a company's ability to conceal information from the public. Frequently companies submit data about chemicals that they label as confidential business information (CBI). By claiming the information is a trade secret, companies prohibit EPA from disclosing it to the public. This can deny public access to crucial information about a chemical's potential risks to public and environmental health and how those risks were determined.

The new set of principles includes this statement:

TSCA reform should include stricter requirements for a manufacturer’s claim of Confidential Business Information (CBI). Manufacturers should be required to substantiate their claims of confidentiality. Data relevant to health and safety should not be claimed or otherwise treated as CBI. EPA should be able to negotiate with other governments (local, state, and foreign) on appropriate sharing of CBI with the necessary protections, when necessary to protect public health and safety.

However, EPA's TSCA program already requires businesses to substantiate their trade secrets claims. The concern is that EPA allows non-trade secrets to slip through and information that should be disclosed is instead concealed. In response to a stakeholder's question during a conference call announcing the principles, the head of EPA's toxics office admitted that too much information was being labeled as CBI and EPA needs to make as much information available to the public as possible.

The EPA's new set of principles also declares:

Manufacturers should be required to provide sufficient hazard, exposure, and use data for a chemical to support a determination by the Agency that the chemical meets the safety standard.

This is a vital component of chemicals policy reform and it is good to see it here. Unfortunately the statement does not also include a declaration that such data be easily accessible by the public. Access to these data should be available online and not restricted to requests under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). Without such an affirmation of the public's right to know, the program is still susceptible to a lack of transparency.

Much to her credit, EPA administrator Lisa Jackson has already made important statements calling for greater transparency at EPA. But the statements bear repeating. Considering the high priority given to chemical management reform by the administrator, Congress, and numerous public interest groups (and even the chemical industry), the essential principles guiding this reform should not omit another call for greater transparency.

(Brian Turnbaugh 09/30/09; 1 comment)

Greenhouse Gas Registry Finalized

 

The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has finalized its mandatory greenhouse gas (GHG) reporting rule. This new rule will require thousands of facilities to monitor and report their annual emissions of several major GHG. The registry should provide much of the detailed, facility-level information needed to develop policies to reduce emissions. Several major changes were made to the proposed rule, mostly in favor of industry. The changes appear to have reduced the amount of facilities covered and the amount of greenhouse gases tracked.

When EPA first proposed the mandatory registry, it estimated that "85-90% of total national U.S. GHG emissions, from approximately 13,000 facilities, would be covered by the proposed rule." Now, following the changes that appear in the final rule, the agency claims "an estimated 85 percent of the total U.S. GHG emissions, from approximately 10,000 facilities, are covered by this final rule."

Overall the changes do not seem to significantly weaken the registry. Moreover, the EPA has not made a final decision on whether or how to include several major sources of GHG emissions. Pending additional analyses and evaluation of data collection methods, EPA has held off on including sources such as industrial wastewater treatment, industrial landfills, suppliers of coal, and electronics manufacturing, among other sources.

There is no indication when these sources will be reconsidered in the future, or whether any additional sources will be considered or by what process they might be considered. These issues should be addressed if the registry is to be a robust tool that can adapt and expand with changes in industries and advances in technology and the scientific understanding of GHG emissions.

The final rule requires facilities to begin collecting data on January 1, 2010. The first emissions report is due on March 31, 2011, for emissions during 2010.

Industry Concessions

The proposed rule had a "once in – always in" feature that meant that a reporting facility would have to continue reporting to EPA even if its emissions fell below the 25,000 ton-per-year threshold. The final rule however, allows facilities to exit the program after five consecutive years below the 25,000 ton threshold or after three consecutive years below a new 15,000 ton threshold. A facility can also cease reporting if it shuts down the GHG-emitting portions of its operations. This compromise should still provide enough consistent data to allow thorough analyses of emissions trends while letting those who have made sufficient improvements stop reporting.

EPA has also made it easier for facilities to track their emissions – by not actually requiring them to track their emissions, at least for the first three months of the program (January – March 2010). A facility can estimate its emissions using "best available monitoring methods." A facility can ask for an extension that could last through 2010. EPA figured that because it was overdue finalizing the rule (based on a deadline ordered by Congress), it owed industries a few extra months to prepare – a generous accommodation and hopefully the last of the delays resulting from the Bush administration's lassitude.

EPA also reduced the monitoring requirements for manure management systems at the nation's biggest factory farms, a major source of methane and nitrous oxide. EPA estimates only 107 livestock facilities will be covered by the final rule.

Other Changes

In another major change, EPA will not collect data on automobiles and light-duty trucks in this registry. Instead, the recently proposed vehicle emissions rule will serve to collect these emissions data along with fuel economy data.

The EPA added some specifications to ensure that monitoring equipment is working right. The EPA's inspector general recently faulted the agency for failing to properly oversee the machinery used to monitor air emissions, throwing into doubt the accuracy of some of the data collected. EPA also added a provision to require submittal of revised annual GHG reports if needed to correct errors.

Many of our concerns about the registry relate to how the rule will be implemented and what data will be available to the public. The final rule provides some insight into how the registry will be run, but many details remain to be worked out. This registry is required if we are going to deal with climate change, and EPA has made great progress tackling this enormous task.

(Brian Turnbaugh 09/22/09; 0 comments)