While the entire rest of the fiscal policy world is obsessing about the budget, I thought I'd take a minute to talk about the other major event of the week, the release of the second round of Recovery Act recipient reporting. We're still working on sifting through the reports themselves, but the website, Recovery.gov, also received an overhaul this weekend. While many of the site's new features still have a long way to go, it's encouraging to see the Recovery Board, which is responsible for the site, actively working to improve the website, despite the fact that public attention has largely moved on.
The most significant change to the website is a new advanced search function. While it is hard to find, the new search is a drastic improvement over the regular search. The regular search, which is accessed through a search box at the top of all pages, simply returns "Google-style" search results. Type in "Boeing" for instance, and you get a link to every page on the site (or every recipient report) which mentions "Boeing" somewhere on the page. It could be a town, a company, or a project; users can't narrow their search in any way. It's also next to impossible to tell which of the results has the piece of information a user is looking for.
The advanced search is better in two respects. First, users can narrow their search parameters, meaning that if a user wanted to find contracts Boeing received in California, they can do so with one, simple search instead of having to hunt through dozens of search results. This narrowing of parameters is very useful in making searches more fruitful.
Second, and more importantly, the advanced search results are now returned in a different format. Instead of the "Google-style" results, it now returns transaction-based results, with each record displayed by organization name, award number, awarding agency, award amount, etc. And each column is sortable, so even if a search returns hundreds of entries, it is very easy to find the one entry in question. To demonstrate the difference between old and new, I pasted below the old results (top), and the new results (bottom). The new version is clearly better at showing results in a meaningful way, presenting the information users are looking for in a cleaner, more accessible fashion. Sure, it's mostly a formatting change, but it's an important change.
This isn't to say that the new advanced search is perfect. It still has some flaws. The advanced search is almost impossible to find. For some reason, some transactions are shown twice in search results. Users can't download their search results. Clicking on an organization's name won't bring up information about them (for instance, a summary of all contracts that organization received). But despite these flaws, the Recovery Board would do well to consider making the advanced search the default recipient search. (For more ways in which the site's search abilities could be improved, check out our Recovery Act data site, Fedspending.org's Recovery Act tab.)
The other new features are not nearly as good. There's a job search feature, but it pales in comparison to plenty of widely known, free job search engines such as Monster.com, which has the added ability to search for jobs by location. Then there's the new "diversity" map, which aims to show how Recovery Act funds are distributed by race and is completely incomprehensible. I think the map shows communities with high minority-to-Recovery-Act-funding ratios, but I have no idea, since the map doesn't come with a legend. Both of these features, the job search and the new maps, have good intentions, and have the potential to be powerful tools, but probably need a little more time on the drawing board.
All in all, it's good to see the Board working to improve Recovery.gov. There is still much that can be done to make Recovery.gov a model for spending transparency, but the Board is at least demonstrating a will to move towards that goal.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 02/02/10; 0 comments)As a reminder, tomorrow the Recovery Board will release the next batch of recipient reports on Recovery.gov. The new reports will be released along with a limited overhaul of the site, which will feature a new search option, a "diversity map," and a job search function. We'll be reviewing these new features, and the new reports, on Monday.
Also, this release will be the first under the new job counting rules, which eliminate the awkward "created or saved" dichotomy from last cycle.
And, as always, remember that over two-thirds of Recovery Act spending will not be included in this release, a point helpfully highlighted by a recent Center on Budget and Policy Priorities report. So while it's great that we're getting another batch of recipient reports, we still don't have comparable transparency for a vast majority of the Act's funding.
For more Recovery Act info, check out our past coverage here.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/29/10; 1 comment)
I'm sure you all already read all of the Congressional Budget Office's 2010 Budget Outlook since I blogged about it the other day, but in case you missed it, the outlook also included a special section on the Recovery Act. The main take away from this section is that the CBO predicts that the overall cost of the Act will be higher than initially estimated, thanks to a couple of factors.
The first factor is higher unemployment. When the CBO initially estimated the Recovery Act's cost, it predicted an 8% unemployment rate, not today's 10% rate. This higher rate means that the unemployment insurance provision of the Act will cost more as more people qualify for unemployment; $21 billion more in fact, over the life of the Act.
The second factor is the food stamp program. There's a very complex reason why the program's cost is increasing, involving inflation and baskets, but explaining it would take up a couple pages, so just take CBO's word that it's going to cost an extra $34 billion.
Finally, another $26 billion in additional spending comes from the Build America Bond program which, according to the CBO, "pays state and local governments for 35 percent of their interest costs on taxable government bonds issued in 2009 and 2010 to finance capital spending." The program is more popular than the CBO initially estimated, generating more costs over the next ten years.
All told, the CBO is estimating that the Recovery Act will cost $862 billion over the Act's lifetime, up from $787 billion. The CBO helpfully provides the below chart to show how these costs are broken down over time by program.
Note that this year, FY 2010, will be by far the most expensive year of the Act. Although that shouldn't be too surprising since it's the first full year since Congress passed it.
Surprisingly, the news of a higher Recovery Act price tag has not created much of a stir. Earlier today (a full three days after this report came out!) I got a press release talking about Obama's "$787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act." These things take time, I guess.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/29/10; 0 comments)In case you missed it, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) just released its 2010 Budget Outlook, its yearly look at the health of the federal budget. CBO's director, Doug Elmendorf, provides the basics of the report:
CBO projects, that if current laws and policies remained unchanged, the federal budget would show a deficit of $1.35 trillion for fiscal year 2010. At 9.2 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), that deficit would be slightly smaller than the shortfall of 9.9 percent of GDP ($1.4 trillion) posted in 2009.
While there are some no-brainers in the outlook (who knew deficits were caused by spending outstripping revenues?), the report does helpfully identify the many causes of the current deficit: Bush's tax cuts, the two wars, and the Great Recession. And while the deficit is falling for the next few years, which is generally a good thing, the outlook warns that deficits will still average about $600 billion a year for the next ten years.
In other fun developments, this year the CBO added a quite useful chart to its outlook webpage. The chart, which is pictured below, shows the deficit over the next ten years. While it's good to have a visual representation of how the deficit is getting better over the next few years (up in this graph is good), what's really useful is that it lets users see how various policies would affect the deficit. Wonder how reducing US troops in Iraq and Afghanistan would change the deficit? (If so, see the chart below; the bottom line is the baseline, top line is with only 30,000 troops in the two countries) How about extending the Bush tax cuts? Freezing all discretionary spending? This graph will show users just how far into the red select proposals will push us.
For more on the outlook, check out tomorrow's (Thursday's) Senate Budget Committee hearing, featuring testimony by Elmendorf. The Committee's chairman, Sen. Kent Conrad, just saw his deficit commission die on the Senate floor, so expect a lot of questions from the Senator on ways to reduce the deficit.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/27/10; 0 comments)
This past Tuesday, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke wrote a letter to the Government Accountability Office, calling for an audit of "all aspects of our involvement in the extension of credit to AIG." The letter sparked a storm of interest, with pundits saying it was a move by Bernanke towards supporting increased Fed transparency, a hot topic these days as Bernanke waits for the Senate to confirm his new term as Fed chair. There were literally hundreds of articles about the letter, with every major news outlet writing it up, making the letter a major piece of news.
Most of the articles, however, ignored one key fact: the GAO already has the authority to audit the Fed's extension of credit to AIG. It has since May, when Congress passed a bill which authorized the GAO to audit "any action taken by the Board under the third undesignated paragraph of section 13 of the Federal Reserve Act (12 U.S.C. 343); with respect to a single and specific partnership or corporation." This covers the Fed's actions with Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase, etc., companies which received special, individualized assistance. What aren't covered under the GAO's increased authority are the more opaque emergency lending actions, which potentially affected hundreds of banks across the nation, and the Fed's support of foreign banks, which has drawn the wrath of many populists.
If Bernanke came out in support of auditing all of the Fed's emergency lending actions, that would be news. For now though, this letter is like a taxpayer writing to the Internal Revenue Service, giving it permission to audit their tax return (which it already has). Apparently, the GAO received Bernanke's letter with about as much interest as the IRS would receive such a letter, with Chuck Young, a GAO spokesman, telling Bloomberg News the GAO will review Bernanke's request "in the context of our future work priorities."
Image by Flickr user isriya used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/22/10; 0 comments)
Just a friendly reminder that on January 1, the clock began on the second Recovery Act recipient reporting cycle. Prime and sub recipients have from January 1 to January 15 to submit their reports to FederalReporting.gov, recipients will edit these reports from then until January 22, and agencies will then have until January 29 to review the reports. Everything will be published on Recovery.gov on Saturday, January 30.
The important thing to remember about this reporting cycle is that recipients have until the beginning of the next reporting cycle to edit their reports. Last cycle, recipients could not change their reports after the initial review period passed, which was a problem since many mistakes were not caught until the agency review period. The Recovery Board, which is in charge of Recovery.gov, will be posting the corrected reports every two weeks, starting on February 10.
This change in how recipients edit their reports will be important as recipients adjust to the new guidance issued at the end of December, which created a somewhat simplified job counting formula. The lateness of the guidance and its difference from last cycle's formula will surely lead to confusion among recipients, so the added error correction time will almost certainly result in better data. Hopefully it'll also translate into a less bumpy reporting cycle than last time.
Image by Flickr user Huffmans used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/04/10; 7 comments)
While most of the nation's attention seems to have been focused on health care and budget issues as of late, the Office of Management and Budget has been hard at work on the Recovery Act recently. With the start of the second recipient reporting cycle rapidly approaching, on Friday OMB put out a new Recovery Act guidance, this one specifically addressing job creation estimates and data quality issues. These two areas have been huge problems for OMB and the Recovery Act in general, with many of the story lines from the last cycle focusing on terrible data quality and suspect job creation estimates. With the new guidance, OMB is hoping to head off some of these stories for the coming reporting cycle.
Overall, the guidance is very helpful. First, it lays out ways in which agencies can help recipients report better data. Agencies now are supposed to highlight for recipients data elements that have been shown to have significant errors, such as recipient name, award amount, and job creation estimates, with the hope that recipients will pay more attention to these sections when entering their data. The agencies also are instructed to have recipients examine their reports for logical inconsistencies, such as if a recipient reports having created a large number of jobs despite not yet starting a project.
Most of the document though, fourteen pages of the twenty-four page document, are dedicated to guidance on job creation estimates (so called "full time equivalents," or FTEs). The new guidance is surprisingly in-depth, providing multiple examples covering a range of possible scenarios. It even includes a worksheet at the end giving step-by-step instructions for how recipients should go about calculating FTEs.
Perhaps the most significant change in the new guidance is in this FTE section. In the previous reporting cycle, many recipients were confused about the distinction the OMB made between jobs created and jobs retained. Earlier guidance was not very clear about when a job should be counted as created or saved. Under the new guidance, however, this distinction is largely eliminated. Recipients now simply report FTEs based on the hours worked on Recovery Act funded projects, regardless of whether those hours were worked by a new or retained employee.
That said, the new guidance isn't perfect. Among other problems, the guidance is very, very late. OMB released it on the night of December 18, a Friday night a week before Christmas, meaning that agencies have less than a week to act on the new guidelines before the second reporting cycle beings on January 1. Because of this short turnaround time, it doesn't seem likely that much of this clarifying guidance will make it down to the recipients in time for the upcoming cycle.
At the same time, the guidance also includes several December 22 deadlines, which is today, the Tuesday after the Friday OMB published it. I imagine many agencies will not meet these deadlines, since, thanks to the epic Snowpocalypse of 2009, the federal government was not open on Monday, and is still not operating at full strength.
Finally, and perhaps most disappointingly, the guidance still does not provide for a standardized FTE. OMB still leaves it up to the recipient to decide how many hours constitute a "full time" job (although the new guidance changes the period of time an FTE should be measured by to a quarter, down from the life of a project). So despite all of the changes and positive clarifications delivered through the guidance, it will still be impossible to compare FTEs between recipients.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 12/22/09; 0 comments)
Yesterday, in a bipartisan vote, the Senate Banking Committee approved Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke's nomination to a second term as Federal Reserve chairman. The vote wasn't in any doubt, although the closeness of the margin, 16 to 7, does indicate the contentiousness of Bernanke's nomination. The nomination now heads to the Senate floor, where, barring some crazy unforeseen calamity, he will be nominated to another four year term in January.
However, the partisan breakdown of the committee's vote is a stark reminder of how much the politics of the economy has changed since Bernanke first became the Fed chair. Bernanke sailed through his first confirmation hearing in November 2005, as the then-Republican controlled Banking Committee approved him by voice vote. The hearings were so inconsequential that Senator John McCain, when asked about the nomination in January 2006, two months after the hearings, reportedly had no idea that the hearings had already happened.
Fast forward to today, when six of the seven no votes came from Republican senators. Senator Jim Bunning, to his credit, opposed Bernanke both times in committee. Ironically, Bunning's original reason for opposition in 2005 was that Bernanke was not "independent" enough, and would just be a rubber stamp for then-Chair Alan Greenspan's policies. Little did Bunning know that Bernanke's first term in office would be characterized by a dramatic undoing of Greenspan's legacy.
Bernanke Supports Limited Audit
In another piece of news from Bernanke's committee confirmation, in a letter responding to written questions from two committee members, Bernanke hesitantly endorsed limited audits of the Federal Reserve. Saying that audits "could provide Congress and the public additional comfort" that the Fed is acting in a responsible manner, Bernanke pledged to work with members of Congress to implement "a review of the operational integrity of these facilities," one that would "be structured so as not to involve a review of the monetary policy aspects of the facility." With his letter, Bernanke seems to be trying to strike a compromise with Audit the Fed supporters, allowing audits of some programs while protecting the Fed's monetary policy from oversight.
The key is which "facilities" Bernanke is referencing. The programs he specifically states are the central bank's emergency lending programs. These are the broader credit programs, not the single, institution specific loans, such as the loans to AIG, Citigroup, and Bear Stearns (remember them?), since these single institution loans are already subject to oversight by the Government Accountability Office. However, it isn't clear if the loans to foreign banks, which were also done under the emergency powers of the Fed, are included in Bernanke's idea of a limited audit. This detail is important, since the foreign bank program is the main target of the Fed audit. If that program is not on the table, then Bernanke's statement is relatively meaningless, politically.
The House passed its Audit the Fed provision as part of the larger financial reform package, so we'll see what happens in the Senate as it begins the final rounds of its financial reform debate. As of right now, the Senate's reform package does not include an audit provision, but with Bernanke's cautious approval of a limited audit, that might change.
Image by Flickr user talkradionews used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 12/18/09; 1 comment)
Yesterday, in what most news organizations are calling a "flurry" of legislative action, the House passed a relatively large package of contentious bills, including the Defense appropriations bill, an increase to the debt limit, and a jobs bill. The Defense bill, originally thought to be the most difficult of the four bills, easily sailed through the House, 395 to 34, and the Senate immediately began its debate on the bill. The other two bills, however, proved to be much closer, and foreshadow legislative confrontations in the beginning of 2010.
Perhaps most importantly for the fiscal health of the nation, the House agreed to lift the debt ceiling by $290 billion, to $12.4 trillion. Without the increase, the nation would run out of money and begin defaulting on its debts in two weeks, sending a significant shock throughout the world's economy. Considering the consequences, the House vote was surprisingly close, 218 to 214, with 39 Democrats joining all 175 Republicans in voting against the debt increase.
The vote yesterday only pushes the issue down the road, as the $12.4 trillion ceiling will only last until February of 2010. The $290 billion increase buys time for House leaders to negotiate a larger, more permanent solution, such as increasing the debt ceiling by some $2 trillion, early next year.
Jobs PackageShortly after increasing the debt ceiling, the House also narrowly passed a $150 billion jobs package, 217 to 212. The bill includes $48.3 billion in infrastructure projects, $26.7 billion for public sector jobs (teachers, fire fighters, police officers, etc), and $79 billion for social safety net programs such as unemployment insurance, COBRA, and Medicaid. Although it isn't in the legislation, Congress intends to pay for the jobs package using unspent TARP authorization funds, although it's unclear if the savings would cover the entire package.
The Washington Post called the jobs bill "largely symbolic," since the Senate, which is fully consumed with health care and the Defense appropriations bill, will not be able to get to the bill until sometime next year. Further imperiling the bill's future, it may be attached to a "pay-as-you-go" provision when brought to the Senate, a measure which the House originally passed in July but should prove controversial in the upper chamber. Regardless, the bill, in conjunction with the delayed vote on a higher debt limit, does ensure that a significant portion of the next legislative year will be taken up by fiscal policy.
Defense Approps CRFinally, the House also passed a continuing resolution for Defense, since even though it passed the department's full appropriations bill, the Senate is not expected to pass the bill before the original continuing resolution expires at the end of the week. The new continuing resolution passed the House by voice vote.
Image by Flickr user chrisjohnbeckett used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 12/17/09; 0 comments)
Phil Mattera of Good Jobs First has a great post over at the Clawback blog, breaking down the reasons recipients gave for not reporting during the first round of Recovery Act recipient reporting (see my colleague Craig Jennings' earlier post on the non-reporting list released yesterday). Here are some of my favorites from Phil's list:
Although it's difficult to tell what the most common excuse was, again thanks to the lack of searchability in the PDF, it seems that simple lack of understanding was very prevalent. Many non-reporting recipients professed to be unaware of reporting requirements, which seems difficult to believe, considering all the agencies' education efforts and how much news coverage there was surrounding the Recovery Act. Then there's the fact that the reporting requirement was literally written into Recovery Act awards, making it hard to miss.
The silver lining in this cloud is that if the largest problem is simple lack of understanding among recipients, that's an easily fixable problem, and one agencies are already taking steps to fix. We'll have to wait until the end of the next reporting cycle in January to see which recipients were simply oblivious and which were willfully negligent in their reporting duties.
As an aside, it should be noted that the total number of missing reports (4,359) is much smaller than the one originally thrown around by the Office of Management and Budget. At a House Oversight Committee hearing a couple weeks ago, OMB officials thought that as many as 10% of awards were missing from the first round of reporting, which would have translated into over 13,000 reports. In that light, and considering this was the first nation-wide recipient reporting cycle ever, 4,369 missing reports, representing just over a 3% error rate, isn't too bad.
Image by Flickr user psd used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 12/16/09; 0 comments)