(Jessica Randall 01/18/12; 1 comment)
On Tuesday, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) released a report that concludes that deregulation will not create jobs. The report is the latest piece of evidence that the ongoing congressional attacks on public protections are misguided, at best.
Since the 112th Congress began its work in January, representatives and senators have offered up a slew of bills that would gut crucial safeguards. Some of these attacks, like the TRAIN Act and the Coal Residuals Reuse and Management Act have specifically targeted standards that would protect millions of Americans from dangerous air pollution and toxic waste. Others, like the REINS Act and the Regulatory Accountability Act, are broad and would grind the rulemaking process to a halt, endangering Americans' quality of life. Despite their supporters' claims, these bills do not constitute a jobs plan. Indeed, the bills' sponsors seem to be motivated by scoring points for future elections and garnering campaign cash.
The CBO report is just the most recent publication showing that there is no trade off between jobs and a good regulatory system. Studies by the Economic Policy Institute, statistics compiled by the U.S. Department of Labor, and surveys by McClatchy Newspapers, the National Association for Business Economics, and the Small Business Majority strongly reinforce this point. Individual business owners have testified – on camera – that most regulations are reasonable and that killing off regulations will not generate more jobs. You can listen to some of their stories here, here, here, and here.
Let's be clear: the economy crashed in 2008 because key regulations in the financial sector had been removed. These changes allowed banks and other institutions to take massive risks with other people's money as they raked in record profits themselves. Rolling back environmental, health, and safety standards is another version of this phenomenon: deregulation will allow particular companies to rake in higher profits while the risks and dangers to everyday Americans accumulate.
It's time for conservatives to give up their tired, discredited talking points about "job-killing" public protections and stop promoting efforts to kill rules that safeguard the public. Instead of wasting time with unconstructive attacks on our regulatory system, Congress should focus on making crucial investments in our nation's infrastructure and economy that will get Americans back to work.
(Jessica Randall 11/18/11; 3 comments)Eliminating lead in children's toys. Requiring seatbelts in automobiles. Reducing coal dust in mines. Preventing unsafe drugs and foods from entering the marketplace. Outlawing predatory loan rates and lending practices. If the bill deliberately mislabeled the Regulatory Accountability Act (RAA) had been put in place in 1960, none of these protections for the American people could have been developed.
A paper the Coalition for Sensible Safeguards (which I co-chair with Public Citizen's Robert Weissman) released Nov. 16 describes a number of federal standards and safeguards that have been designed to protect the health, safety, and general welfare of the American people that would have been blocked by the RAA (H.R. 3010/S. 1606) had it been law in earlier decades. The paper also spotlights several pending rules that are unlikely to go through should the RAA pass – rules that implement financial, workplace, and consumer protections that have already been passed into law by Congress.
Because the RAA is focused on changing regulatory processes, it hasn't received much attention in the traditional media or from many citizens and public interest groups who are intensely concerned with defending and improving health, safety, and environmental standards. This is a huge mistake. This bill is a backdoor way for conservatives to prevent the implementation and enforcement of decades of public protections – without actually having to vote against the Clean Air Act or the Clean Water Act. Instead of putting themselves on record as allowing higher arsenic levels in our water and higher levels of air pollution, the RAA allows conservative members of Congress to simply "muck up" the implementation and enforcement of these laws by allowing more special interest influence of regulatory agencies, more litigation by deep-pocketed industry lobbyists, and ridiculous hurdles to rulemaking.
What's at stake here is nothing less than the system of public protections that has been built up over the past six decades – the system that led to dramatic improvements in air and water quality, food and product safety, and public health. While trade associations and business lobbyists constantly complain about the government regulations that produced these outcomes, businesses have learned to adapt, the economy has expanded and innovated, and our quality of life has continued to improve. The RAA's attack on that system puts these advances at risk.
What is perhaps most disturbing is that the assault on our regulatory system is coming at a time when we have a record number of imports from foreign countries and when our domestic regulatory agencies have neither the staff nor the resources to oversee the flood of imports. We need to be strengthening our regulatory and enforcement structures, not weakening them. This cynical effort to use the anxiety the public is feeling about the economy could wreak deep and lasting damage to our regulatory system. The American public needs to weigh in against this dangerous legislation, and the media needs to help them understand what is at stake.
Editor's Note: This piece was cross-posted on The Huffington Post.
(Katherine McFate 11/17/11; 1 comment)Editor's note: This post is being regularly updated to reflect REINS Act-related developments in the Senate. Please check back often for the latest news, which you can find at the bottom of the post.
There are rumblings that as soon as today, the Senate GOP may begin to offer up the Regulations from the Executive In Need of Scrutiny (REINS) Act (S. 299) as an amendment to, or a substitute for, bills moving to the Senate floor for a vote. Such a move would limit the public's ability to have a say on this damaging legislation.
The REINS Act, sponsored by Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY), would force all new, major health, safety, and environmental protections through a congressional approval process. Under the bill, if rules are not approved by both houses of Congress within 70 legislative days, those rules would be "tabled," which would essentially kill them. Such political interference with science and expert analysis is indefensible, and given the political chasm and gridlock in Congress, the REINS Act would make it impossible for agencies to carry out the mandate they have been given to safeguard Americans' air, water, food supply, and workplaces.
OMB Watch opposes the REINS Act and hopes that a majority of the Senate rejects any move to sneak such an extreme bill into other legislation.
UPDATE (11/03/2011): This afternoon (Thursday), Senate Republicans are expected to move forward with a so-called "side-by-side" alternative to the Democrats' transportation and infrastructure jobs bill (S. 1769). The Republican proposal, called the Long-Term Surface Transportation Extension Act of 2011 (S. 1786), is sponsored by Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-UT) and includes several extreme proposals, including the REINS Act, a moratorium on standards that would protect the public from harm, and a rollback of air toxics rules for boilers and cement plants. The strategy here is clear: squelch full, democratic debate on damaging measures while gutting popular, protective laws and hoping that no one is paying attention. If the Hatch bill is successful, the rulemaking process would be stopped dead in its tracks, agencies would be unable to safeguard the American people from a variety of significant hazards, and the nation would be no closer to solving the jobs problem it currently faces.
UPDATE (11/03/2011): Shortly before 3:30 p.m. on Thursday, the Senate rejected a motion to proceed with S. 1786. The White House also issued a strongly worded Statement of Administration Policy on the bill, indicating that the president's senior advisors would have recommended a veto had the bill passed both houses of Congress.
UPDATE (11/08/2011): The Senate is indicating that it will once again take up the REINS Act, along with a host of other anti-regulatory attack legislation, as part of the so-called Jobs Through Growth Act (S. 1720), sponsored by Sen. John McCain (R-AZ). In addition to REINS, the bill contains a public protections moratorium, legislation targeting a "phantom" U.S. Environmental Protection Agency rule on coarse particulate matter that the agency has repeatedly said it would not issue, and many more provisions that would do nothing to solve the country's jobs crisis but would go far in making it impossible to protect the American people from harm. Like S. 1786, the McCain bill is an attempt to thwart democratic discourse by sneaking bills like the REINS Act through the back door with a minimum of public debate.
UPDATE (11/10/2011): This afternoon, the Senate soundly rejected S. 1720 in a 56-40 vote. Members from both sides of the aisle joined together to oppose this damaging bill.
(Rick Melberth 11/02/11; 1 comment)A memorandum issued Oct. 26 by the Administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), Cass Sunstein, instructs federal agencies to submit reports on the implementation of their retrospective review plans for periodically evaluating existing rules. The plans were required by President Obama's Jan. 18 Executive Order 13563, "Improving Regulation and Regulatory Review" (E.O. 13563), and thus far in the process, agencies have largely managed to keep their focus on their main mandate: protecting the public.
OMB Watch followed the development of the plans and launched a webpage with background information and our analysis of some of the final plans, which were released in late August. Our analysis showed that agencies worked to protect their primary missions while looking for cost savings. We hope agencies continue to do this when implementing their plans and conducting ongoing reviews and that they resist political and industry pressure to undo beneficial standards and safeguards.
The executive order instructed federal agencies to develop plans for the ongoing review of existing rules to identify those that are "outmoded, ineffective, insufficient, or excessively burdensome, and to modify, streamline, expand, or repeal them." On June 14, OIRA issued a memorandum that provided guidelines for what agencies should include in the final plans.
The latest memo focuses on the implementation of the plans. It requires agencies to regularly report on the status of their retrospective review efforts and provides a suggested template for the reports. For the next year, agencies must submit reports in January, May, and September, and in January and July for each year thereafter. The template asks agencies to describe, quantify, and monetize anticipated savings, and the memo instructs agencies to “give high priority to those reforms that will promote economic growth, innovation, competitiveness, and/or job creation.”
As directed by OIRA, agencies solicited public comment when developing their plans. The vast majority of comments came from industry members and associations. The industry comments tended to recommend two types of revisions: eliminating or easing rules they saw as burdensome and standardizing or clarifying rules in which compliance was redundant or confusing. Many comments targeted specific rules in the pipeline that are unpopular with industry groups, such as the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) clean air rules. The agencies rightfully declined to use the look-back process to overturn important protections or overhaul rules currently in process. Instead, the plans generally focused on ways to streamline and clarify rules and reduce paperwork burdens through measures like electronic reporting.
The memo indicates that OIRA is ensuring that agencies follow through with implementing their review plans.
(Katie Greenhaw 10/28/11; 1 comment)Today, Sens. Rob Portman (R-OH), Mark Pryor (D-AR), and Susan Collins (R-ME), and Reps. Collin Peterson (D-MN) and Lamar Smith (R-TX) announced their intention to propose a major revision of the Administrative Procedure Act – the basic legal framework that defines how federal rules are made – that would prevent or delay by years important health, safety, and environmental standards. It's hard to imagine a more damaging attack on the federal government's responsibility to protect the public from a wide range of threats.
The most recent draft of the forthcoming bill, currently known as the Regulatory Accountability Act of 2011, is a “solution” in search of a problem. The proposal is based on dangerous and misguided assumptions about the connection between regulations and job creation. For decades, economic studies have shown consistently that regulations do not negatively impact employment. In fact, some standards and environmental protections actually create jobs and generate new industries. Corporations and banks are sitting on more than a trillion dollars instead of investing those resources and creating jobs because demand is weak, not because of regulations.
A recent survey of small business owners by the Small Business Majority reveals that they do not believe regulations are affecting their ability to grow their businesses. Rather, economic uncertainty (i.e., lack of demand for their products) and the rising cost of doing business are what they worry about most. Likewise, in an August survey of business economists, a large majority reported that the current regulatory climate in this country is good for business and the economy.
If the provisions of the proposal (as described in a fact sheet from Portman's office) become law, they will result in a near-moratorium on rules by creating even more obstacles for agencies to overcome in issuing standards that keep us safe from contaminated food, product defects, and polluted air and water. In addition, the proposal would shift the locus of regulatory decisions to the courts and out of agencies' hands by providing multiple new opportunities for deep-pocketed corporate interests to challenge agencies at nearly every step of the process. When such special favors are granted to special interests, everyday Americans are further shut out of the regulatory process, giving them less of an opportunity to participate in this essential function of democratic governance.
For example, the proposed bill could allow cost-benefit analysis to be reviewed by the courts at both the proposed and final stages of the rulemaking process. If this happens, rules would not only languish for years, but courts would be empowered to substitute cost considerations for the health and safety of the American people – the basis of important laws like those that protect workers and our environment. This court-dominated process would be incredibly costly, wasting resources instead of enabling agencies to address problems in a timely and responsive fashion. This shift would favor wealthy business interests, not small businesses. The proposal's judicial review provisions would also shift the responsibility for agency oversight from Congress to the courts and swamp an already overburdened federal court system.
If Sens. Pryor, Portman, et al. want to constructively reform the federal regulatory process, they should work to reduce the barriers that make it difficult for agencies to fulfill the missions they’ve been assigned: to enforce the rules that protect the American people from environmental, chemical, and workplace dangers and establish the foundations for healthy economic growth.
Editor's Note: This post has been updated to clarify the potential scope of judicial review that the Regulatory Accountability Act would write into law.
(Rick Melberth 09/22/11; 4 comments)Yesterday, OMB Watch submitted its recommendations for the Obama administration's national plan for the Open Government Partnership (OGP). The administration will unveil its plan, with new concrete commitments to increase transparency, at the international OGP meeting on Sept. 20.
Seven other countries will also announce their national open government plans at that summit, organized around the United Nations General Assembly meeting. For the U.S. as well as the other participants, OGP has been an impetus to action for transparency. The national plan to be released in September is an important opportunity for the administration to expand on its progress in strengthening open government in order to empower Americans and build a better democracy.
In blog posts on Aug. 8 and Aug. 22, the administration asked for feedback on six topics to inform the development of its national plan. Reforms in these areas, including improving federal websites and promoting corporate accountability, would constitute a positive agenda for the U.S. Open Government Plan.
Our comments offer recommendations on each of the six topics. Among the ideas offered, OMB Watch encouraged the administration to:
In addition to these comments, OMB Watch has consulted with the administration on other topics that would make excellent contributions to the U.S. Open Government Plan. Meaningful reforms to the six consultation topics would be a significant step forward, but we hope that the administration will consider additional initiatives as well. For instance, the White House could establish an award, similar to the SAVE Award, to recognize the best contributions to open government by federal employees. Such an award could be an important way to foster a culture of openness within government and would be a helpful complement to the policy reforms the administration is considering.
We invite readers to join the discussion by sending their thoughts on the six topics by email to opengov@ostp.gov.
(Gavin Baker 09/01/11; 3 comments)Today is the deadline for federal agencies to submit their final plans for reviewing existing regulations to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). The plans are the second step in a process outlined by the Obama Administration to get rid of redundant, needlessly burdensome and outdated rules.
In a Jan. 18 Executive Order (E.O. 13563), President Obama reaffirmed a Clinton directive that federal agencies should have plans in place to periodically review existing regulations to ensure that rules are up-to-date, relevant and effective. In addition to creating an ongoing plan, the E.O. instructed agencies to submit proposals for specific rules to be modified, streamlined, expanded or repealed. The E.O. also stressed the importance of public participation in the rulemaking process and encouraged agencies to make rules accessible on the Internet in addition to publishing them in the Federal Register.
Thirty government agencies and commissions submitted preliminary plans, which were released to the public on May 25. Some agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the Department of Transportation (DOT), provided in-depth discussions of the regulatory review process, indicated how the agency will increase public involvement, and included lists of rules to be re-examined. Others provided cursory descriptions of their look-back process and did not specify which rules they will be reviewing. In addition, while the January E.O. indicated that the plan was supposed to cover "existing significant regulations," many agencies announced that all rules will be subject to the review, no matter what stage they are in the rulemaking process. OMB Watch is concerned that the inclusion of unfinished rules in the reviews may lead to political or industry interference in the rulemaking process.
The Obama Administration provided guidelines (here and here) for the content and timeline of the finalized plans. The final versions are expected to contain more cost-savings information and list specific rules to be modified, streamlined, expanded or repealed. They are scheduled to be released to the public on Aug. 22. Check back with OMB Watch later this month for in-depth analysis of these plans.
(Katie Greenhaw 08/01/11; 0 comments)Health and safety advocates have argued for decades that investments in clean energy and environmental protections help to create jobs. Time and time again, reports have shown that supporting clean energy fosters the development of new, job-creating industries, and that compliance with environmental health and safety standards encourages companies to hire new workers and invest in local economies. A host of new studies published in the past week provide even more support for those claims.
A study published July 14, Why EPA’s Mercury and Air Toxics Rule is Good for the Economy and America’s Workforce, lays out the economic benefits of the EPA air toxics proposed rule. Author Charles J. Cicchetti of Navigant Consulting finds that the air toxics rule would create more than 115,000 jobs by 2015 – eclipsing EPA’s conservative estimate by nearly 80,000. Cicchetti argues that the EPA’s own cost-benefit analysis was scientifically sound but failed to account for possible inaccuracies in industry-supplied data and left out some secondary benefits of the rule such as reduced health care and insurance costs. Sponsored by the Clean Air Council, the Environmental Law & Policy Center, the Conservation Law Foundation and others, the study echoes one published by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) in June. The EPI study estimated 28,000 - 158,000 new jobs in the next four years.
A second report, this one peer-reviewed and published by the Union of Concerned Scientists, takes a close look at the economic impacts of clean energy investment in the Midwest. Entitled A Bright Future for the Heartland: Powering the Midwest Economy with Clean Energy, the July 19 report finds that if Midwest states enact a clean energy strategy produced in 2009 by the Midwestern Governors Association (MGA), they could save the average household $78 per year on electricity and natural gas bills, create 85,700 new jobs in the region, and bring $1 billion in new income to farmers and clean energy companies. The Midwest was hit hard by the recent recession, and the study’s authors indicate that the region’s “great renewable energy potential, a strong manufacturing base and the skilled workforce needed to realize that potential,” make it uniquely situated to benefit from investing in clean energy.
Finally, EPI on Tuesday published a report debunking a Crain and Crain study released in September 2010 on the overall cost of regulation. The report, Flaws Call for Rejecting Crain and Crain Model, demonstrates that Nicole Crain and Mark Crain relied on flawed methodology and incomplete data to reach a conclusion that regulations cost small businesses $1.75 trillion in 2008. The EPI paper is the most recent in a string of critiques of the Crain and Crain study. The Congressional Research Service and the Center for Progressive Reform have raised similar questions about the Crain and Crain paper earlier this year. Setting the record straight on the study is important because Republicans have been using the controversial Crain and Crain estimate to support their unwarranted attacks on regulations.
While each of these studies examines a different aspect of the effects of regulation on the economy, together they show that the U.S. can create jobs and have a bright economic future, while at the same time protecting the air we breathe, the water we drink and the planet on which we live.
(Cassandra Lovejoy* 07/20/11; 3 comments)An estimate of the cost of public protections often cited by regulatory opponents has been rejected by researchers from the Economic Policy Institute (EPI). The critique, Flaws Call for Rejecting Crain and Crain Model, concludes that because the $1.75 trillion cost estimate is heavily based on flawed methodology and flawed data, it "should not be used either as a valid measure of the costs of regulation or as a guide for policy."
The exceptionally high estimate comes from a study by Nicole Crain and Mark Crain contending that the annual cost of federal regulations in the U.S. increased to more than $1.75 trillion in 2008. The Crain and Crain study, released in September 2010, was developed for the Small Business Administration’s (SBA) Office of Advocacy and reviewed and edited by SBA officials. While regulatory critics in Congress and industry parade the figure as evidence linking regulations to the damaged economy, researchers and experts have scrutinized the Crain and Crain study.
John Irons and Andrew Green, authors of the EPI paper, found fundamental errors in the regression analysis used by Crain and Crain to determine 70 percent of the costs included in the final estimate. They also discovered a pattern of missing information in the initial data set used to assess the relationship between regulation and GDP in other countries. Irons and Green used more complete data to recalculate part of Crain and Crain’s analysis but ultimately concluded that even enhanced data could not make up for flaws in the study’s methodology.
Adding to numerous criticisms of the study, the EPI critique involves a specific examination of the economic model used in the study, from which Irons and Green identify both conceptual and empirical problems with Crain and Crain’s analysis. In addition to deficiencies in the data and underlying methodology, researchers have identified broad conceptual flaws that undermine the suitability of the study as a regulatory deterrent. For example, evaluations by the Center for Progressive Reform (CPR) and the Congressional Research Service (CRS) point out that the benefits of regulations were not considered in the study.
Crain and Crain’s regulatory cost estimates also differ from estimates submitted in annual reports to Congress by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). Cass Sunstein, administrator of OMB’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), said in a June hearing that the Crain and Crain study is "deeply flawed and should not be relied on." Austan Goolsbee, the chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers, called the $1.75 trillion figure "utterly erroneous."
Following the release of EPI’s critique, the Coalition for Sensible Safeguards issued a statement calling on members of Congress and others to stop relying on the $1.75 trillion cost estimate.
(Katie Greenhaw 07/19/11; 0 comments)