The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) draft scientific integrity policy is missing critical elements needed to effectively safeguard science at the agency, OMB Watch said in comments filed yesterday. The policy must be improved if the agency is to ensure that the best science informs policy decisions that affect the health and environmental quality of all Americans.
The Obama administration recognizes that sound, uncensored science is critically important to protecting our health, economy, and environment. Consequently, President Obama issued a memo shortly after taking office, establishing protections for scientific integrity and directing agencies to implement them. Unfortunately, implementation of that memo has been sluggish and uneven. However, there have been some bright spots, such as the draft policy at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), which OMB Watch praised.
EPA's efforts have been more mixed. For example, the process to develop a policy at EPA has been mostly open: the agency posted a draft policy and solicited public comment. But the openness has been less than full-fledged, as important appendices and references are missing from the policy posted. EPA should be sure the public has an opportunity to comment on a complete version of the policy before finalizing it.
The content of EPA's draft policy is also flawed. The draft policy moves in the right direction but stops short of what's needed to adequately protect scientific integrity. Fundamentally, an effective scientific integrity policy must do two things: prevent political interference with science and protect the free flow of scientific information. EPA's draft policy is inadequate on both counts. As we say in our comments:
In general, the portions of EPA’s draft policy that have been released to date establish the appropriate principles for scientific integrity, particularly in striving to keep science free from political interference and to foster a culture of scientific openness. However, the translation of these principles into effective policies is lacking, and we recommend that EPA make significant changes to the draft policy to address this gap.
To improve EPA's draft policy, OMB Watch makes these recommendations in our comments:
EPA's draft suggests that the agency understands the central role of scientific integrity in achieving its critical work to protect Americans' health and natural resources. But EPA needs more than just principles in order to have a policy that effectively upholds scientific integrity. Luckily, EPA has a great model to draw from: the draft NOAA policy. We're hopeful that EPA will make the revisions necessary to ensure that EPA science continues to be top-caliber research that Americans can trust.
(Gavin Baker 09/07/11; 2 comments)We’re a little late in reporting this, but on July 26, the House passed a bill to improve the transparency and accountability of federal advisory committees. Among other things, the bill, H.R. 1320, would:
Congress, presidents, and agency heads charter advisory committees for a number of reasons. Sometimes, advisory committees are to supplement an agency’s expertise, like when the EPA asks outside scientists to assess the effects of a pollutant on human health. Other times, they are to attain practical advice and opinions from stakeholders, like when the Department of the Interior consults with farmers, environmental groups, and/or Native American tribes on land planning issues.
In recent years, advisory committees have tended to make headlines not for the sage wisdom they provide but for the controversies they stoke when conflicts of interest or accusations of bias arise. H.R. 1320 won’t eliminate these issues, but it should limit them. At the very least, it will give the public a clearer look into the formation and proceedings of advisory committees and provide citizens and advocates with the tools to hold accountable both committees and the agencies that manage them.
The bill passed with bipartisan support; 27 Republicans joined 223 Democrats in voting “yea.” The bill now joins the queue of items awaiting action in the Senate, a.k.a. the Island of Misfit Bills. A similar bill passed the House in June 2008, during the 110th Congress, only to die in the Senate.
(Matthew Madia 08/03/10; 0 comments)The Interior Department announced yesterday that it will split into two parts the Minerals Management Service (MMS), the troubled agency that has been blamed for not doing enough to prevent the explosion and ensuing oil spill at the Deepwater Horizon oil rig in the Gulf of Mexico.
“[Interior Secretary Ken] Salazar said the MMS’s inspection, investigation, and enforcement operations will be separate and independent from the agency’s leasing, revenue collection, and permitting functions.”
The split should help, experts say, because it will reduce conflicts of interest within the Interior Department. “Separating these functions would benefit all parties involved—the Department of Interior, the American public, and the oil companies that must rebuild public trust,” said Francesca Grifo, director of the Union of Concerned Scientists’ Scientific Integrity Program. "Conflicts of interest must be minimized so that the agency charged with enforcing safeguards is able to focus solely on protecting workers and the environment.”
At a fundamental level, MMS will always struggle to ensure worker safety and environmental protection. Having one arm devoted to promoting energy and extraction companies and another arm devoted to implementing and enforcing controls on those companies behavior is going to be dicey. The conflict is almost inherent in the agency’s mission. (Aside: I wonder if MMS will change its mission in light of the split.):
The MMS’s mission is to manage the ocean energy and mineral resources on the Outer Continental Shelf and Federal and American Indian mineral revenues to enhance public and trust benefits, promote responsible use, and realize fair value.
The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) is supposed to attenuate the kind of conflict MMS faces. NEPA requires all agencies to consider the environmental impact of their decisions, such as decisions to grant oil or gas leases, and consider alternatives that would minimize damage. (For a thoughtful reconsideration of NEPA in light of the oil spill, see this blog post from law professor Holly Doremus.)
But, as news reports have highlighted, MMS has liberally applied “categorical exclusions” to reduce its NEPA workload and give companies a pass on the rigors of environmental review. MMS granted such a waiver to BP’s Deepwater Horizon operation.
Only time will tell if the bifurcation of MMS reduces the risk of future safety and environmental disasters, but Salazar’s decision to split the agency shows a promising commitment to reform.
(Matthew Madia 05/12/10; 0 comments)The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is tweaking the way it treats advisory committee members who have financial conflicts of interest. FDA will require more detailed information on the financial interests of members who have been granted waivers to serve on committees despite a potential conflict, according to draft guidance released Wednesday.
FDA uses advisory committee to “provide independent, expert advice on scientific, technical, and policy matters related to the development and evaluation of products regulated by FDA.” Generally, persons with a financial interest in a product or industry in question cannot serve on committees. But, FDA may grant a waiver to permit conflicted individuals to serve.
The most significant change in the draft guidance, it appears to me, is the requirement that panel members with conflicts of interest identify the name of the firm or organization to which they are financially tied. Previously, the FDA only disclosed the general category, i.e. competitor or shareholder.
The change should instill greater accountability into committee proceedings. The public will now be armed with more information to judge whether a panelists’ views are unbiased by a financial interest.
The draft guidance is open for public comment until June 21. FDA last revised its guidelines on committee members and conflicts of interest in August 2008. This week’s guidance would make only minor changes to the 2008 guidance, which critics accused of being weak.
Accompanying the guidance, FDA Commissioner Margaret Hamburg sent a letter to senior agency officials providing her perspective on the conflict of interest issue. In the letter, she said committees “should search far and wide for experts who have the requisite knowledge without conflicts of interest” but added that in certain situations conflicts are inevitable, in her view.
When a conflict does arise, Hamburg identified three criteria for her staff to apply when deciding whether a waiver is appropriate:
Today, March 9, is the one-year anniversary of President Obama’s scientific integrity memo which instructed his staff to produce within 120 days recommendations for ensuring independence of federal scientists and limiting political interference in their work. 365 days later, we’re still waiting.
The Union of Concerned Scientists is critical of the delay. Francesca Grifo, director of UCS’s scientific integrity program, had this to say:
While the new administration has been generally supportive of scientific integrity values, it's moving too slowly to establish badly needed reforms. The current system still discourages scientists from communicating about their research results, for example. It still keeps the public in the dark about the scientific basis for policy decisions, and it still rewards staffers who keep quiet about political interference in science.
The criteria Obama laid out in his March 9, 2009, memo are admirable: hiring and keeping qualified scientists; defining new policies to ensure integrity; using “well-established scientific processes” like peer review; disclosing scientific findings; ensuring that scientific integrity principles are being adhered to; and adopting additional policies like whistleblower protections.
But by failing to follow up with a concrete set of reforms, Obama and John Holdren – the Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy who was tasked with developing recommendations – are sending a terrible message to those who believe scientific integrity ought to be a priority for this administration.
Interference in science reached new heights under President George W. Bush; but just because Bush is gone does not mean the problems go away too. As OMB Watch discusses in the latest issue of our e-newsletter The Watcher, a new report from the Project on Scientific Knowledge and Public Policy (SKAPP) proves that much work remains. SKAPP interviewed federal scientists during both the Bush and Obama administrations, and found that although there were a few bright spots in scientists' views of the changes that had occurred, a majority felt similar frustrations.
Couple this delay with the now year-plus delay on Obama’s effort to improve the regulatory process by writing a new executive order, and my outlook on the administration’s commitment to government reform is dimming.
Photo by Flickr user davidfntau. Used under a Creative Commons license.
(Matthew Madia 03/09/10; 2 comments)Twenty groups, including OMB Watch, have sent a letter calling on Congress to include accountability and transparency provisions in any health care reform legislation. Specifically, the groups focused on federal advisory committees – panels that will provide critical advice on health care issues if legislation is passed. The groups represent a wide variety of public interest issues.
Current bills under consideration would create several new advisory committees. Although most of these committees would be subject to the Federal Advisory Committee Act, that law is too weak to provide the public with adequate opportunities to monitor and participate in the health care policy debate once it moves out of Congress and into federal agencies.
The letter, sent Nov. 3 to House and Senate leadership and key lawmakers crafting reform legislation, underscores the important role these advisory committees will play and calls for specific transparency and accountability provisions to be included in legislation:
Because these advisory panels will play major roles on issues ranging from immunization practices and clinical research to health care financing and the development of the health care labor force, we urge you to ensure that members of these panels perform their duties with full transparency and free of financial conflicts of interest.
The American public will be ill-served if these advisory committees operate behind closed doors and are influenced by members with financial ties to special interests with a stake in their deliberations.
At a minimum, all advisory panels created by any final health care law should:
- Require that all information about each advisory panel, including a full audio or video record of each panel meeting, is accessible via the Internet;
- Actively seek out advisory panel members without conflicts of interest;
- Assess financial conflicts of interest, and strive to name only non-conflicted experts to advisory committees;
- When conflicts are unavoidable, require that any waivers given to a conflicted advisory board member and the reasons for granting the waiver are part of the public record; and,
- Specifically require disclosure of the names and backgrounds of each member, and whether they are serving as experts or to represent particular constituencies.
To read the entire letter, click here.
Image by Flickr user zizzybaloobah, used under a Creative Commons license.
(Matthew Madia 11/04/09; 0 comments)The National Institutes of Health (NIH) has initiated a program to encourage its scientists to edit and create articles in the online encyclopedia that anyone can edit, Wikipedia. Wikipedia is a widely used free resource on the web often criticized for its lack of reliability that results from its open editing format.
Such government involvement in the internet encyclopedia is not new and has been problematic in the past. The purpose for this program is, according to the Washington Post, “to make that online information more reliable.” However, when government employees from the CIA and FBI edited articles on the Iraq War and Guantanamo in 2007, the public reached a different conclusion. The agencies removed aerial and satellite imagery and altered casualty statistics in a way that was misleading.
The difference between the efforts in 2007 and the current one? In 2007, the agency individuals who edited the site were not operating as part of an official government program. Instead, they were individuals operating based on personal interest and motives. In the current effort, government employees are being trained on how to edit Wikipedia and encouraged to do so representing a potential conflict of interest of immense proportions. It’s a big enough problem to keep the politics out of science within the government; now it seems that the government may impose its issues on the public if it is not vigilant.
Further, if the government wants its information to be authoritative it should keep it on its own sites. Just because NIH edits the articles on Wikipedia does not mean that the articles are accurate even if the information submitted by NIH is unbiased. There is nothing stopping another user from going in 5 minutes after an NIH scientist and adding misleading information or removing information. Thus, the NIH would do better to build its own technological resources for public outreach in-house.
(Roger Strother* 07/28/09; 5 comments)
President Obama's new ethics platform has already sprung some serious leaks. In spite of an executive order aimed to stem the influence of lobbyists in the Obama administration, former lobbyists are finding their way into top posts, according to the National Journal.
In his first executive order, signed Jan. 21, Obama requires former lobbyists seeking employment in the administration pledge not to "participate in any particular matter on which I lobbied" for two years.
But the executive order also includes an escape hatch. The Director of the White House Office of Management and Budget is permitted to grant a waiver to any appointee if "the literal application of the restriction is inconsistent with the purposes of the restriction" or if "it is in the public interest to grant the waiver."
That's some pretty vague criteria. The only additional information is the order's equally vague definition of public interest: "The public interest shall include, but not be limited to, exigent circumstances relating to national security or to the economy."
The administration is already using the executive order's escape hatch. Mark Patterson, a former Goldman Sachs lobbyist, is under consideration for the post of Department of Treasury Chief of Staff. The Project on Government Oversight has more:
As recently as April 2008, Patterson was registered as a lobbyist at the Goldman Sachs Group, Inc., working on issues such as foreclosure prevention, credit default swaps, and over-the-counter derivatives. It should also be noted that Goldman Sachs has received $10 billion in bailout funds under Treasury's Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP).
Considering how opaque TARP has been to this point, and considering that the extent of its effectiveness remains a mystery, oversight and impartiality in the Treasury Department is of the utmost importance. But the chief of staff can wield great power behind the scenes.
The waiver provision in the executive order could have been markedly improved if accompanied by transparency mandates. Obama could have tied a string to a waiver by urging conflicted appointees to conduct more of their business in the sunlight. A transparency mandate could have provided citizens with at least a modicum of confidence that their interests were not being compromised.
Patterson isn't the only example of a lobbyists finding his way into the administration's corridors of power.
William Lynn, a nominee for deputy secretary at the Department of Defense, has been under scrutiny for his ties to Raytheon, a major defense contractor.
Lynn spent "the better part of the past two years" lobbying for Raytheon, according to The Washington Post. Raytheon is on the winning end of about $10 billion in Defense Department contracts every year — making it the Pentagon's fifth largest contractor.
If confirmed, Lynn may have a difficult time steering clear of issues where a conflict would present itself. According to the Post, "Lynn, however, lobbied the Pentagon on so many Raytheon projects - acquisitions policy, space, intelligence and command and control, among others - that it might be hard to find an area within the department that was untouched by his previous work."
Granting high-profile exceptions to the new executive order — and granting them so early in the administration — is no way to signal a commitment to ending special interest influence in the Executive Branch.
(Matthew Madia 01/28/09; 0 comments)