On Dec. 31, 2011, Recovery Accountability and Transparency Board Chairman Earl Devaney stepped down after leading the Board for almost three years. Devaney did more than anyone else to ensure Recovery Act spending was as transparent as it was, and his presence will be sorely missed.
While he didn't create the transparency provisions in the Recovery Act (those were written into the law or created by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB)), Devaney implemented the law's requirements. He and his team created the Recovery.gov website from scratch in remarkably little time and did a great deal to ensure that recipients understood their reporting responsibilities under the law. As a former inspector general (for the Department of the Interior), Devaney placed a strong emphasis on finding and preventing fraudulent contracting and wasteful spending, creating the Recovery Operations Center. He also insisted on making maps of Recovery Act spending the focal point of Recovery.gov, arguing that the government needed to do more to display information in useful ways.
Devaney understood the importance of providing information to the public and talked of empowering an army of citizen inspectors general. We appreciated the fact that he frequently reached out to the transparency community to get feedback and guidance. When we raised concerns about the quality of the data from the first rounds of recipient reporting, the Board moved quickly to fix the problems it could, such as automatically filling in some data fields for recipients (for example, pulling in company information from existing contracting databases) and creating algorithms to spot potential red flags (such as recipients reporting that they had spent more money than they had received).
Devaney also championed transparency beyond the Recovery Act. He has been a vocal supporter of unique identifiers for recipients of federal funds, a thorny problem that has long plagued federal spending transparency. For the past six months or so, he has also been the head of the Government Accountability and Transparency (GAT) Board, created by President Obama last year to "provide strategic direction for enhancing the transparency of Federal spending and advance efforts to detect and remediate fraud, waste, and abuse." The GAT Board's recent report advocated for many reforms, most importantly centralizing spending databases and streamlining reporting obligations, in addition to calling for a universal system of unique identifiers for contracts and grants throughout the federal government.
Devaney will be replaced by current Education Department Inspector General Kathleen Tighe. Tighe has been on the Recovery Board since March 2010, serving as the chair of the Board's Accountability Committee since March 2011. Interestingly, Tighe will not be stepping down from her inspector general role, which possibly indicates a diminution of the position of Recovery Board chair. The chair was a full-time job for Devaney, who stepped away from his Department of the Interior position to lead the Board, and Devaney clearly had Vice President Biden's ear, meeting frequently with him to discuss various issues related to the Board's work.
The chair's reduced prominence is likely a reflection of the administration's desire to move on from the Recovery Act. With most of the Recovery Act money already spent, Tighe's job will largely be overseeing the dissolution of the Board and the application of lessons learned from the Recovery Act to the entire federal government, a process Devaney has already started with the GAT Board. There's still much to be done to improve federal spending transparency, but hopefully, even in a part-time role, Tighe will bring to her new position just as much passion and success as Devaney.
Image by Flickr user OversightandReform.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 01/06/12; 2 comments)
Often, when talking about why Recovery Act transparency provisions are important, we have to talk vaguely about the unseen. With more than one level of recipient reporting (prime recipients, and their sub-recipients and vendors), which is true under the Recovery Act, we can see who is lurking behind the initial recipients of federal contracts and grants. For instance, maybe the mayor’s brother is getting all of the road-building contracts in some theoretical small town, which we wouldn’t otherwise know because he isn’t directly contracting with the federal Department of Transportation. But there were few actual instances we could use.
Now, thanks to a new Government Accountability Office (GAO) report, we have a more concrete example. According to the report, $24 billion in Recovery Act contract and grant spending went to about 3,700 recipients who owed some $750 million in taxes to the US government. Clearly, this isn’t good. Government contracts shouldn’t be benefiting organizations that don’t play by the rules. But the important point is that we only know this because of the recipient reporting feature built into the Recovery Act. (You can read our past coverage of the Recovery Act here.) Indeed, about half of the tax-delinquent recipients were sub-recipients, meaning without the sub-recipient reporting in the Recovery Act, it wouldn’t be immediately apparent that they were receiving federal funds.
This new information in the GAO report is a clear indication that more levels of reporting are better. Without the Recovery Act sub-recipient reporting, it would have taken the GAO years to do the same kind of research, assuming the GAO would even bother to spend all that time on it.
Reports like this are why we’re ecstatic that sub-award reporting has finally come to USAspending.gov, the government’s website for all federal contracts, grants and loan information. In the coming months, as more the site collects more sub-award data, it’ll be easy to do the same tax analysis with all federal spending, not just Recovery Act data.
But why stop there? Why not compare the sub-award data with, say, Project on Government Oversight’s Federal Contractor Misconduct Database? Or workplace safety citations? Or the list of companies forbidden from receiving federal contracts? The possibilities are endless.
Of course, the next step is to enact full, multi-tier reporting, in which any organization that receives more than $25,000 of federal funds must report on the use of the funds, regardless of how far down the contract or grant chain they are. Hopefully reports like the GAO's will help convince lawmakers on the importance of full spending transparency.
Image by Flickr user Forest Service - Northern Region used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 05/26/11; 0 comments)As part of his scheme to cater to business interests, President Obama yesterday appointed Intel CEO Paul Otellini to the President's Council on Jobs and Competiveness. The appointment of a corporate leader to such an advisory panel isn't particularly surprising, given that Obama has been bending over backward to make sure the opinions of Big BusinessTM are heard in the White House (you know, because they're soooo underrepresented). What is surprising is that Otellini has a blind spot for honest appraisals of economic policy.
NationalJournal.com's Aamer Madhani:
Perhaps most interesting about Otellini is that he's offered some pretty blunt criticism of Obama's economic strategy — particularly the stimulus package that the White House says helped keep the recent recession from becoming another Great Depression. But Otellini and many Republicans counter that the stimulus was wasteful spending that did not achieve its goal.
"The decisions so far have not resulted in either job growth or increased confidence," Otellini said of the stimulus package in a September interview with CNN Money. "When what you're doing isn't working, you rethink it, and I think we need to rethink some plans." (emphasis mine)
The only people who make this claim are anti-government ideologues who'd rather pour lemon juice on self-inflicted paper cuts than admit that, yes, sometimes government intervention in the economy is necessary and beneficial. That Obama is seeking economic advice from someone so impervious to serious economic analysis is troubling. This is no way to win the future.
But let's take this opportunity to go back to the tape to see evidence that the Recovery Act created millions of jobs and show that Otellini doesn't quite have a handle on reality:
Council of Economic Advisors: The Economic Impact of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 Fifth Quarterly Report
The CEA estimates that as of the third quarter of 2010, the ARRA has raised employment relative to what it otherwise would have been by between 2.7 and 3.7 million, consistent with the initial estimate that the ARRA would save or create 3.5 million jobs as of 2010:Q4.
Congressional Budget Office: Estimated Impact of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act on Employment and Economic Output From July 2010 Through September 2010
[the Recovery Act] Lowered the unemployment rate by between 0.8 percentage points and 2.0 percentage points, [i]ncreased the number of people employed by between 1.4 million and 3.6 million, and [i]ncreased the number of full-time-equivalent (FTE) jobs by 2.0 million to 5.2 million compared with what would have occurred otherwise.
Don't believe government-sourced information?
Wall Street Journal: Economists Credit Fed For Alleviating Crisis
On average, [of 54 economists surveyed] estimated that the stimulus added one percentage point to growth in 2009; they forecast gross domestic product would expand 3% this year, compared with 2.2% in the absence of stimulus. They estimated that the February unemployment rate, reported at 9.7% last week, would have been 10.4% without the stimulus.
ABC News: Stimulus Gets B-Minus Grade
"The stimulus worked," said Stuart Hoffman, chief economist at PNC Bank. Without it, "the unemployment rate would probably be closer to 11 percent" and the economy might not have grown at all last year."
Image by Flickr user justmakeit used under a Creative Commons license.
(Craig Jennings 02/18/11; 0 comments)
While the new Republican House seems obsessed with cutting federal spending back to pre-stimulus levels, it can be easy to forget that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is still spending money. In fact, there’s still about $100 billion in stimulus contract, grant and loan money that has yet to go out the door. And the Recovery Board, which is in charge of displaying the Recovery Act recipient reports, is still at work. This week, in a big win for transparency advocates, the Board’s chairman, Earl Devaney, announced his support for multi-tier reporting, or reporting beyond prime and sub-recipients.
We’ve been advocating for multi-tier reporting for a while, almost ever since the Act was created. OMB Watch has long believed that true spending transparency requires knowing who receives federal funds, no matter how many hands it goes through. And that’s what multi-tier reporting does. It follows the money, regardless of how many times the project gets subcontracted, until a certain point, say when sub-awards fall below $25,000.
From the beginning, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) interpreted the Recovery Act to only cover prime and sub-recipients, limiting the reach of transparency. In his announcement, Devaney gives an example of how the public might miss information under the current setup:
Let’s say a federal agency provides a Recovery grant to a state government, the prime recipient, and the government then distributes the funds to a city council for a local road project. The city council then sends some of that money to a contracting company. We can trace the money to those three recipients but the trails ends there. If the contractor retains a subcontractor with ties to the mayor’s brother, for instance, we have no way of knowing that unless we are tipped off.
Although this example isn’t quite accurate (we’d only have information on that third recipient if they were a vendor for the sub-recipient, and then we’d only get a fraction of the information recipients report), it gets the point across. Since a great deal of Recovery Act funding went through the states, leaving only one more level of reporting beneath them, there’s a whole bunch of sub-awarding activity going on that the public can’t see. Multi-tier reporting would solve that problem.
While the law leaves an opening for multi-tier reporting, it’s unclear if OMB will support changing the reporting structure this late into the Recovery Act’s life. Even so, Devaney’s support could be important for the larger spending transparency picture. USAspending.gov, the government’s contracts, grants, and loans database, recently started collecting first-level sub-award information, having only collected prime recipient information since its creation in 2006. Support from officials like Devaney could help push the administration towards more comprehensive reporting for USAspending.gov.
Devaney isn’t clear on specifics in his post, saying only that “you will hear more from me on this issue in the coming months.” So it remains to be seen what kind of a plan he has in mind. That said, it’s great to have a public official openly support an important transparency goal such as this.
Image by Flickr user JBYoder used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 02/11/11; 0 comments)OMB Watch is back from the holiday break! I'm personally happy about that, because I have the sense that the new Congress, like the old Congress, is going to provide us lots and lots of good blogging material. Today, I get to put up tortured claims from incoming House Oversight Committee Chair Darrell Issa (R-CA) that teachers and police officers don't have real jobs and that if your private-sector job was ever cut, it never actually really existed as a real job.
Now, you can say those are jobs created or saved. Really, they're simply dollars spent for one year of kicking the can down the road. It didn't create -- there's not a lot of ripple effect in that kind of spending.
Real creation of jobs, permanent jobs is what we didn't get out of this. Of course, you get your money spent. If I hire you and give you a quarter million dollars or $174,000, you have a job for that year. That's not creating a job. That's hiring or continuing to pay for a government worker.
Creating a job is about something you do that becomes permanent. Stimulus should have been about private-sector creation.
Issa tries to argue that 1) government workers, like teachers, aren't actually employed in real jobs; 2) only permanent jobs are real jobs; 3) the Recovery Act did create real, permanent jobs in the private sector; 4) but the Recovery Act didn't create net growth because it wasn't spent "right."
Issa backpedals from his initial claim that the Recovery Act didn't create jobs, because, well, that's a completely incorrect statement. If you think the Obama administration's information is slanted, you can bypass the multiple Council of Economic Advisors reports that indicate the Recovery Act created millions of jobs, and go straight to private economists. They say that it "boosted growth and mitigated job losses" and that "the unemployment rate would probably be closer to 11 percent [without the Recovery Act]."
So, when Issa says the Recovery Act was a "trillion-dollar stimulus that did not create jobs," he actually means it was a trillion-dollar stimulus that did create jobs.
(Craig Jennings 01/03/11; 0 comments)
In this week's Watcher, we ponder the fate of fiscal policy in the lame duck session of Congress set to commence on Nov. 15. Our article and indeed most of the punditry, analysis, news, and campaign rhetoric has all but completely ignored the fate of some $80 billion in tax breaks for the middle class.
When President Obama signed the Recovery Act into law last year, he approved $288 billion of tax cuts, focused mostly on the middle class (and went largely unnoticed by its beneficiaries). Those cuts, including the Making Work Pay tax credit, a boost in the child tax credit, and assorted other credits and deductions totalling about $80 billion are set to expire at the end of the year. Yet the most ink has been spilled over the $68 billion in tax cuts that the riches 2 percent of Americans may see expire at the same time.
Bob Williams ponders this issue in a post on the Tax Policy Center's blog, Tax Vox.
Taxes will jump for more than 95 percent of Americans when those cuts evaporate come January.
Why does a $68 billion tax increase on wealthy taxpayers throw Congress into total gridlock but no one mentions a tax hike almost 20 percent bigger? ...a triumph of politics over economics: stimulus is a dirty word in Washington these days, even though most economists agree that the economy still needs a strong boost. And maybe "economist" is a dirty word too.
Arguably taking $80 billion away from all but the richest Americans would hurt spending more than pulling $68 billion out of fat wallets. Low- and moderate-income households save less of their income than do wealthier people, so raising their taxes causes a bigger drop in consumer demand.
It's almost as if Congress, despite its members' protestations, is more interested in sculpting tax policy for its donor-patrons than actually trying to improve the economy.
Image by Flickr user Ciudadano Poeta used under a Creative Commons license.
(Craig Jennings 11/09/10; 1 comment)
"What if a president cut Americans' income taxes by $116 billion and nobody noticed?" That's the lede on a recent New York Times article, one talking about a tax cut called Making Work Pay (MWP). President Obama's staff was instrumental in crafting and passing the MWP, which was part of the Recovery Act. The tax cut is stealthy, in that its design spreads the benefits out in small amounts, in each paycheck, as opposed to a single, larger payout at tax time. It was so stealthy that, as the Times article notes, few people know that Obama signed into law a tax cut affecting 95 percent of taxpayers. In fact, the MWP was so stealthy the Times barely mentioned it until this week. So why is the Times surprised no one knows about the tax cut?
The MWP was supposed to be the cutting edge of tax policy. Here's how the Times put it:
Faced with evidence that people were more likely to save than spend the tax rebate checks they received during the Bush administration, the Obama administration decided to take a different tack: it arranged for less tax money to be withheld from people's paychecks.
They reasoned that people would be more likely to spend a small, recurring extra bit of money that they might not even notice, and that the quicker the money was spent, the faster it would cycle through the economy.
The actual MWP tax cut came in the form of a credit, which is the second half of the strategy. The tax credit is there to balance out the higher taxes people would have at the end of the year thanks to this withholdings trick (less withholdings = larger incomes = higher taxes, higher taxes - tax credit = lower taxes). This way, people have more money throughout the year, instead of one big check they toss into a bank account and forget about. Think of it as an effort to make the stimulus' tax package as stimulative as possible.
While we're still arguing about just how stimulative the MWP credit actually was, it's hard to argue that few people know about it. Again, the Times:
In a New York Times/CBS News Poll last month, fewer than one in 10 respondents knew that the Obama administration had lowered taxes for most Americans. Half of those polled said they thought that their taxes had stayed the same, a third thought that their taxes had gone up, and about a tenth said they did not know. As Thom Tillis, a Republican state representative, put it as the dinner wound down here, "This was the tax cut that fell in the woods - nobody heard it."
Clearly, the MWP has a PR problem. The Times article doesn't come out and say it, but it's safe to say that a lot of the people they polled were flat out wrong. If 95% of taxpayers received the credit, a lot of people probably had lower taxes. It's not that all these people were lying; they just didn't realize or remember that they in fact received a quite large tax cut in 2009.
If you think about it, the public's ignorance about the MWP credit is pretty sad. The 2009 tax form had a new section, Schedule M, created specifically for the new Obama tax cut, which had the words "Making Work Pay" all over it. To finish your taxes, you had to fill out Schedule M. So if you received a paycheck in 2009, you came into contact with the MWP credit. And yet, no one knows about it. Even worse, people think that Obama did the opposite, and raised their taxes.
So why do people believe the opposite of the truth? Surely the nation's news organizations were giving the tax cut a fair amount of coverage, considering it affected so many people. A quick look at the Times' archives, however, shows that the MWP tax cut received almost no coverage. Since the Recovery Act's passage, the paper has written about the MWP credit only three times. And most of those articles talked about how the new Schedule M was giving taxpayers difficulties when it came to filling out their taxes. Both the MWP tax cut and the Bush tax cuts are expiring at the end of this year, and yet a search for the phrase "Bush tax cuts" on the Times' website returns thousands of hits, but searching for "Obama tax cuts" gives you only one result, and it's this article. The Times even mentioned the estate tax, which a recent report said affected only .6% of deaths in 2008, in 77 articles this past year. That's a pretty bad disparity in coverage.
And it's not as if the White House wasn't talking about the MWP. A search of the White House website brings up fourteen press briefings in which the MWP was specifically mentioned, eight presidential speeches, twenty-two press releases, nineteen blog posts (including a vociferous defense of the MWP credit), twelve Council of Economic Advisers reports, and at least a couple videos. That's more times than the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, Fox News, and MSNBC mentioned it, combined.
In other words, if national news organizations aren't covering Obama's signature tax cut, one which affected almost everyone in the country, it shouldn't be too surprising that no one knows about it. The Times article shouldn't be surprising because it found people who are uninformed. It should be surprising that it took the paper this long to start informing the public on important issues.
Images by Flickr users Joe Shlabotnik and Barack Obama used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 10/22/10; 0 comments)
The latest economic data on the Recovery Act from the Congressional Budget Office indicate that, by at least two important metrics -- gross domestic product (GDP) and unemployment -- it is in fact working (see here, here, here, and here for more). Yet, only 33 percent of Americans think the Recovery Act "helped the jobs situation."
The Recovery Act was billed as economic stimulus measure, but some how the number of letters in the word "stimulus" has been reduced to four.
Surely opponents of Keynesian economics have been working overtime to tar the Recovery Act and the word "stimulus" as economic and budgetary abominations, but as The New Yorker's James Surowiecki points out, there are more factors at work than just a clever PR campaign.
The hostility has numerous sources. Many voters conflate the stimulus bill with the highly unpopular bailouts of the banking sector and the auto industry; Republicans have done a good job of encouraging such misconceptions...Also, the stimulus—which, to begin with, was too small to completely offset the economy's precipitous drop in demand—was oversold. The Administration's forecasts about the recession (particularly regarding job losses) were too optimistic, and so its promises about what the stimulus would accomplish set the public up for disappointment.
Surowiecki also notes that "[p]aradoxically, the very things that made the stimulus more effective economically may have made it less popular politically." Two of those being 1) aid to states, which prevented mass layoffs and 2) tax breaks spread out over the year rather than paid in one lump sum.
"Stimulus" is a dirty word, and the Recovery Act is legis non grata, yet 57 percent of Americans think "policymakers in Washington" should spend more to create jobs and 74 percent agree that the administration should "create more jobs even if it means less deficit reduction."
Seems to me that this is the intersection of good policy and good politics: push money into the economy but call it something else, something like the Pulling Up People Performing in Economic Stress Act of 2010, or just PUPPIES. Who could hate PUPPIES?
Image by Flickr user ThrottleUK used under a Creative Commons license.
(Craig Jennings 09/13/10; 0 comments)
If one were to listen to most conservative politicians and pundits these days, you'd come away with the impression that the Recovery Act has failed. It hasn't created any jobs and it hasn't helped the economy, so the narrative goes. For instance, here are a few quotes from the past couple weeks:
"All this 'stimulus' spending has gotten us nowhere." -House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH)
"[The stimulus] is simply not working." -Greta Van Susteren
"Everyone understands it was a payoff, not a jobs-creator." -Charles Krauthammer
"More people believe that Elvis Presley is alive than the stimulus created jobs." -Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA)
"[The Recovery Act] increased the number of full-time-equivalent jobs by 2.0 million to 4.8 million compared with what would have occurred otherwise." -Congressional Budget Office
Whoops, sorry, that last one was actually a quote from the CBO's new report on the Act's effects on the economy. The independent, non-partisan institution reported that, contrary to what many seem to think, the Recovery Act raised real GDP by between 1.7 and 4.5 percent, lowered unemployment by between .7 and 1.8 percentage points, and increased the number of people employed by between 1.4 million and 3.3 million. And that was just looking at what happened between April and June 2010.
In other words, the Recovery Act hasn't failed; on the contrary, it's had an immense effect on the nation's economy. The fact that we're still plagued by high unemployment and a faltering economy indicates that the Act wasn't nearly big enough, not that it hasn't worked.
Oh, and for those keeping score at home, the CBO report also revised downwards the cost of the Recovery Act. The total price tag will be about $814 billion, down from the CBO's earlier estimate of $867 billion.
Image by Flickr user calamity1 used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 08/26/10; 2 comments)In Wednesday's New York Times, there was an interesting coda to one of our recent Watcher articles: despite receiving large amounts of money from the recently passed state aid bill, school districts are not acting quickly to rehire fired teachers. The worry is next fiscal year might see even larger budget gaps, necessitating another, larger, round of firings. So the school districts would rather save the money, to try to stave off what could be an even worse FY 2011, and in the process, are potentially hamstringing any positive effects of the state aid bill.
Interestingly, this is the same problem facing the nation at a larger level. The future is as uncertain as ever, with many worried about their job security. The American people, as a whole, are guarding against that uncertainty by spending less and saving more. If you're worried you're not going to have a job in six months, you're definitely not going to be going out and buying that new car, or going out to the movies as often. This trend is borne out by looking at the nation's personal savings rate, measured as a share of disposable income, which is currently at its highest level since the early 1990s. In essence, then, the school districts aren't doing anything different than the rest of the nation. Everyone's saving to prepare to a bleak tomorrow.
This lower level of spending, or lower aggregate demand, is what is keep the nation's economy depressed. That's why we need significant federal investment in the economy, through stimulus bills like the Recovery Act, to make up for the lower consumer spending. And that's why we need a second stimulus. Clearly, half-hearted spending bills like the state aid bill are not enough to kick start this economy.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 08/19/10; 1 comment)