The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's (NOAA) efforts to protect scientific integrity make the agency a leader among its federal counterparts, OMB Watch said in comments filed last week.
The Obama administration recognizes that sound, uncensored science is critically important to protecting our health, economy, and environment. Consequently, President Obama issued a memo shortly after taking office, establishing protections for scientific integrity and directing agencies to implement them. However, implementation has been sluggish and uneven.
NOAA represents some of the best efforts so far. The agency's draft scientific integrity policy and procedural handbook, released to the public in June, are thoughtful and detailed. In addition, NOAA has been an exemplar of openness in developing its policy, most importantly by soliciting public comments on its draft policy.
Fundamentally, an effective scientific integrity policy must do two things: prevent political interference with science and protect the free flow of scientific information. NOAA's draft policy makes strong provisions for both.
In our comments, OMB Watch makes the following recommendations:
Although our suggestions would further improve the policy, NOAA should be commended for its leadership for posting a strong draft. At a time when some agencies are struggling to meaningfully move scientific integrity forward, other agencies should look to NOAA as a model.
At the same time – as we point out in our final recommendation – NOAA alone can't fully protect its science. The biggest recent scientific integrity controversy at NOAA, regarding the mysteriously delayed disclosure of worst-case models for the BP oil spill, revolves around the role of the White House Office of Management and Budget (OMB), not NOAA itself. As we write in our comments:
Consequently, while NOAA has done its duty to develop strong scientific integrity protections, the task of fully securing NOAA science will not be complete until other agencies do so as well, particularly OMB and other White House offices.(Gavin Baker 08/22/11; 8 comments)
The House of Representatives today passed a bill that sets ridiculous and dangerous deadlines for the approval of oil drilling permits. According to Earthjustice, “Sponsored by Doc Hastings (R-WA), H.R. 1229 requires the Department of Interior to decide whether to approve a drilling permit within 30 days after receiving an application and allows only two 15-day extensions of this deadline.”
The bill is titled the “Putting the Gulf of Mexico Back to Work Act,” which would be hilarious if it weren’t so despicable. It’s as though the 235 Republicans and 28 Democrats who voted for the bill have completely forgotten what put thousands in the region out of work in the first place

It’s been just over a year since BP’s Deepwater Horizon rig exploded, killing 11 men and spawning the worst environmental disaster in U.S. history. It also caused incredible economic consequences, costing and continuing to cost the region billions.
The bill is the second of three bills House leadership is pushing to create a “Drill, Baby, Drill” society. The final bill, H.R. 1231, is expected to be voted on tomorrow, and it is likely the worst of the bunch. According to Scott Slesinger at NRDC, “From the pristine Arctic Ocean, to California’s sparkling beaches, to the entire eastern seaboard, leasing for offshore drilling would commence in 2012, and would continue in perpetuity, as the bill requires 50% of unleased acreage in our oceans to be available for leasing every five years.”
America isn’t likely to stop drilling for oil any time soon. But how can Congress be so cavalier when the wounds of oil industry deregulation are still so fresh? We saw what happens when deliberation is sacrificed in the name of expediency; when safety is sacrificed in the name of profits; and when regulators feel more beholden to industry lobbyists than they do to the American public. The basic safeguards the House is attempting to strip away may not prevent another oil spill, but refusing to learn the lessons of the past is sure to cause one.
(Matthew Madia 05/11/11; 3 comments)Rep. Darrell Issa, chair of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee, is using the one-year anniversary of the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill disaster as an opportunity to criticize the Obama administration for exercising more caution when issuing offshore drilling permits. After the spill, “the Administration’s subsequent assault on off-shore drilling has [damaged] economically vulnerable communities,” Issa says.
Issa’s sympathy would be touching if it weren’t so obviously contrived. (Issa’s committee has held at least 40 hearings this year, none on the spill.) If Issa were so concerned with the economic well-being of the Gulf region, he would be interested in preventing future spills. As a new report from the Economic Policy Institute shows, lax regulation in the drilling arena led to the oil spill, which continues to wreak havoc on Gulf businesses.
Issa said yesterday, “The legacy of this spill should be an increased emphasis on safety, not a full-scale retreat from off-shore energy production.” Of course, Issa has no real interest in an “increased emphasis on safety.” In fact, Issa’s role in the Republican attack on regulation is undermining the future safety of drilling.
For example, in December, when Issa wrote to businesses and industry lobbyists asking them for a hit list of regulations they want to see undone, one of the companies in his address book was ConocoPhillips. The energy giant wrote back to Issa to complain about new safety standards for offshore drilling (meant to protect both the environment and workers) set in the wake of the BP spill.
The Interior Department announced yesterday that it would be pursuing even more safety standards for oil rigs. During the announcement, Interior official Michael Bromwich also dispensed with the notion that the administration’s moratorium on Gulf drilling is somehow responsible for severe economic distress. From BNA news (subscription):
Deepwater drilling was banned by the Obama administration immediately after the BP oil spill. The moratorium was lifted in October, but Interior did not grant the first deepwater permit until Feb. 28. Since then, 11 other deepwater permits have been issued.
The agency has issued 49 drilling permits for new wells in shallow water since last summer, Bromwich said. While the pace is slightly below historical levels, there is no big backlog of pending permit applications for shallow-water drilling, as some critics have suggested, he added.
If anything, Bromwich’s comments indicate that the Obama administration continues to play fast and loose with drilling safety. Interior has issued 12 deepwater permits even though – as evidenced by the announcement that more safety regulations are needed and under development – the administration is not fully confident that existing safeguards are sufficient to prevent another catastrophe.
The lesson may be that, one-year after the worst oil spill in U.S. history, neither Issa and his congressional colleagues nor the Obama administration are in the right place on deepwater drilling. Those who fail to learn from history…
(Matthew Madia 04/20/11; 1 comment)In the latest issue of The Watcher, OMB Watch discusses (here and here) the recently passed House budget and the many non-budget provisions attached to it, including the anti-environmental riders that prevent the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and other agencies from doing this or that. For example, House lawmakers thought it best to approve amendments preventing the EPA from implementing greenhouse gas limits on major carbon polluters or finishing a rule curbing particulate matter pollution.
But just as interesting are some of the riders that were voted down. An amendment that would have limited oil and gas companies’ ability to pillage public resources without paying royalties to the government was rejected. In fact, the vote wasn’t even close, 174-251, with 25 Democrats joining 226 Republicans in voting down the measure.
Royalty waivers are granted to companies in an attempt to incentivize deepwater drilling in the Gulf. (Yes, like the kind BP was conducting at the Deepwater Horizon rig.) However, the waivers were supposed to expire when energy prices rose. “But in a now-infamous and expensive goof, the Department of Interior left the price ceilings out of leases issued in 1998 and 1999, thereby allowing royalty-free production at any oil and natural-gas price,” according to The Hill energy and environment blog.
The amendment, introduced by Rep. Edward Markey (D-MA), would have attempted to fix the error by essentially prohibiting Interior from spending money to issue new leases to companies enjoying the waiver unless the flaw was corrected.
With oil prices hovering around $100/barrel and companies like Exxon posting big profits, it is ridiculous that 251 representatives would support allowing them to fleece American taxpayers out of billions of dollars more. Of course, unlike us regular folk, Congress will be getting some of that money back in the form of campaign contributions. I wonder if there’s a connection there…
(Matthew Madia 02/23/11; 5 comments)A federal court invalidated an Interior Department notice imposing greater safety requirements on offshore drilling operations, enacted in response to the BP oil spill. Judge Martin Feldman of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana ruled on Tuesday that the June notice to lessees violated administrative procedure.
Drilling company Ensco Offshore sued the Interior Department over the notice, saying the notice should have gone through a public comment period in the way a regulation would. Based on my reading of Feldman’s opinion, Interior did not dispute that the notice was, in fact, a regulation. Instead, it claimed the notice was an “interpretive rule” – a type of regulation not subject to public notice and comment under the Administrative Procedure Act, because it is of little consequence. Feldman disagreed, finding the notice to be the equivalent of a “substantive rule.”
The ruling does not have significant implications for offshore drilling. Interior’s notice to lessees has since been supplanted by an interim final regulation that more formally adopted many, if not all, of the safety requirements in the notice (and added protections for rig workers). The interim final regulation took effect when Interior published it on Oct. 14. At that point, the June notice to lessees was basically irrelevant.
But this week’s decision does raise some questions about those interim final rules. U.S. courts, and Judge Feldman in particular, have shown no mercy for the Obama administration’s efforts to instill more caution in offshore drilling operations. In June, Feldman struck down Interior’s deepwater drilling moratorium. The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals then denied the administration’s appeal. (Not for nothing, Feldman and both of the appellate court judges that ruled against the administration have financial interests in the oil industry.)
If industry challenges Interior’s interim final regulation, how will the courts view it? Like the challenge to the notice to lessees, the case could center on the Administrative Procedure Act and the legally required steps for a rulemaking. A major issue could be the administration’s “good cause” finding for issuing an interim final regulation, which goes into effect immediately, instead of a proposed rule, which would have to be finalized before taking effect. Interior lays out its “good cause” justification in the interim final regulation, highlighting the urgency of the situation and the need to take immediate steps to prevent another disaster:
[T]he obvious failures of well intervention and blowout containment systems demonstrate that previous regulatory assumptions concerning their reliability are inaccurate. The importance of these systems in preventing catastrophic blowouts and oil spills indicate that genuine harm could result from delay…
This is all speculation at this point, but if the situation arises, will Feldman or other judges buy the argument?
(Matthew Madia 10/22/10; 1 comment)The Department of the Interior has lifted the moratorium on deepwater offshore drilling, but administration officials do not appear confident that they have done enough to prevent another spill. Interior announced Tuesday that it would end the ban seven weeks before the original Nov. 30 expiration date.
The announcement comes on the heels of two new Interior regulations meant to require stricter safety measures for rig design and operation and apply additional protections for rig workers.
But are those rules adequate to ensure the safety of offshore drilling? Environmentalists say “no.” Deepwater drilling is just as precarious as it was in April when BP’s Deepwater Horizon rig sank and created the worst environmental disaster in U.S. history.
Administration officials are not exactly answering with a resounding “yes.” Interior Secretary Ken Salazar told reporters, "We have made, and continue to make, significant progress in reducing the risks associated with deepwater drilling." According to The Washington Post, “Salazar acknowledged that oil and gas drilling in the gulf could lead to future spills, but he said that was a risk the government was willing to take.” Of course, that’s not a direct quote from Salazar, but assuming it’s an accurate interpretation of his remarks, it causes one to wonder whether the administration has learned its lesson from the BP spill and its aftermath.
The reality is, the administration can’t answer “yes.” Citing comments from Michael Bromwich, head of the new Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, Regulation and Enforcement, the Post reports, “[W]hile the deepwater rigs in the gulf underwent an inspection in the immediate aftermath of the [BP] spill, none of them have yet been inspected in light of the tougher regulations.” Interior is still in the process of hiring inspectors to enforce the stricter rules.
As Interior is quick to point out, lifting the ban isn’t like flipping a switch. The Department must first review applications and approve permits before drilling can resume, and it will do so with respect to the new regulations. Bromwich says his agency expects to issue permits by the end of the year.
Unfortunately, that means drilling could resume before President Obama’s oil spill commission completes its final report, which is due to Obama in January 2011. "To ensure a disaster like this never happens again, we must know what caused it in the first place,” said Peter Lehner, executive director of the Natural Resources Defense Council. “We're still waiting for that answer."
(Matthew Madia 10/14/10; 2 comments)A Texas-based deepwater drilling contractor has filed a lawsuit in federal district court, seeking to block the Obama administration’s latest effort to temporarily halt new offshore drilling operations while the Department of the Interior investigates safety and technology concerns in light of the April 20 explosion of BP’s Deepwater Horizon oil rig. Ensco Offshore argues in their July 20 suit that the drilling suspension issued by the Interior is “substantially the same” as an earlier moratorium that was struck down in federal district court.
The administration originally issued a moratorium on deepwater drilling on May 28 that prohibited certain drilling operations from beginning work until November 30. However, this moratorium was struck down when a federal district court ruled in favor of a coalition of oil industry representatives, including Ensco, holding that the administration had not made sufficient findings that the banned drilling operations posed a threat of irreparable harm. The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals then denied the administration’s motion to temporarily reinstate the moratorium pending the appeal. Read more.
Interior Secretary Ken Salazar issued a new drilling suspension on July 12 to address many of the concerns that prompted the district court to grant the injunction against the May 28 moratorium. While the suspension still prohibits many offshore drilling operations until November 30, it is based on new findings that some operations pose a substantial risk of irreparable harm due to safety concerns, insufficient blowout containment resources, and the strain on cleanup capabilities caused by the ongoing BP disaster. Unlike the May 28 moratorium, the suspension largely focuses on drilling technology, rather than water depth.
Ensco’s July 20 suit argues that the administration’s revised ban on offshore drilling is a “thinly-veiled and impermissible attempt” to comply with the district court’s original order. The suit alleges that the new suspension creates “a state of uncertainty and confusion with resulting dire consequences upon the domestic offshore drilling industry in the Gulf of Mexico.” Ensco filed its suit before Judge Martin Feldman, the district court judge who struck down the first moratorium.
Feldman will also consider the administration’s motion to dismiss the original case in light of the revised drilling ban, which the administration claims supersedes the May 28 moratorium and renders the original case moot. Oil industry representatives claim that Feldman’s order should stay in place because the moratoria are substantially the same. Feldman recently issued an order declining to recuse himself from the proceedings, despite having a significant financial interest in the success of the oil industry’s case. Feldman has not commented or issued an order in either case, but his past rulings and financial holdings indicate that he may be more sympathetic to the oil industry.
On the same day that Ensco filed its suit, Salazar and two former Interior secretaries testified before a House joint committee hearing to discuss the BP oil disaster. Salazar defended the administration’s decision to continue fighting for the drilling ban, saying that he believes “it would be irresponsible to take our hand off the pause button given the current circumstance." If Feldman again strikes down the drilling ban, it is likely that the administration will appeal to the Fifth Circuit.
There they go again. Amid some of the most spectacular market failures the country has ever seen, business lobbyists and their friends in Congress want to reinvigorate their discredited deregulatory agenda.
They have such gall: for years, they have attacked regulatory protections to the point that government is significantly under-resourced. This, in turn, has led to deaths of workers, parents fearful about food safety and chemical contamination in their kids' toys, a national economic collapse, and much more. Now Big Business wants more of the same.
Big Business has published a new regulatory "hit list," the same old song but with a new beat - kill public protections or corporations won't create new jobs. Adding to the shameful behavior, on July 16, House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH) endorsed the idea of a moratorium on most new regulations.
What does this deregulatory fantasy land look like? No rules to correct the economic crisis spurred by unregulated, speculative behavior on Wall Street. No rules to address food safety. No rules on safety-be-damned coal mining companies. No rules on oil companies like BP, which, due to its unprecedented oil disaster, has cost small businesses in the Gulf region millions in lost profits and has surely changed lives and the environment there for years to come. It is a government that is encouraged to continue cutting regulatory corners for the benefit of Big Business and to enforce existing rules with the bite of a toothless tiger.
Read the rest of this post at the Huffington Post and take action.
(Gary Bass* 07/21/10; 0 comments)The Obama administration is attempting to reassure Americans that seafood from the Gulf of Mexico is safe to eat amid the BP-Deepwater Horizon oil spill disaster. President Obama discussed food safety yesterday during a trip to the Gulf. "Let me be clear: Seafood from the Gulf today is safe to eat," Obama said.
In his remarks, Obama discussed the roles of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The agencies yesterday issued a joint statement outlining the steps they have taken and will continue to take in order to protect the Gulf food supply.
“The first line of defense is NOAA’s fishery area closures, which began May 2 and are adjusted as the spill trajectory changes,” the statement says. It continues to test seafood samples from outside the closure areas to check for contamination and to ensure fishermen are abiding by the restrictions.
FDA is focusing on shellfish for the time being: “FDA will first target oysters, crab, and shrimp, which due to their biology retain contaminants longer than finfish, for additional sampling. Finfish rapidly metabolize the oil so the risk of exposure is far less than the other seafood species previously mentioned.”
FDA also says:
The sample collection will target primarily seafood processors who buy seafood directly from the harvester. Monitoring this first step in the distribution chain will help to keep any potentially contaminated seafood from consumers.
FDA has also created a focused inspection assignment designed to help seafood processors review their individual source controls to ensure proper documentation and exclusion of any seafood obtained from unknown sources from entering commerce.
That prompts a question: Given the FDA’s struggles in recent years, will the agency have the necessary resources and adequate regulatory muscle to keep contaminated seafood away from consumers?
Fishermen and consumers are already getting screwed by the mess BP has made. One of the few things that could make it worse would be a foodborne illness outbreak traced back to the Gulf’s shores. That would truly be a nightmare scenario.
(Matthew Madia 06/15/10; 0 comments)The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has finally disclosed the chemical identities of the ingredients of the dispersants being used on the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. Until now, the public was only provided the limited information available in the dispersants' material safety data sheets (MSDS). The MSDSs for the dispersant, known as Corexit, were produced by the dispersant's manufacturer, Nalco Company. The MSDSs provide very little information, hiding chemical identities by labeling them "proprietary" or omitting them entirely.
The EPA's oil spill response website now lists eight specific chemical identities comprising the two versions of Corexit now known to be in use in the Gulf. By contrast, the Corexit EC9600A MSDS provides only two specific chemical ingredients and one reference to a generic "Organic sulfonic acid salt," whose identity is "proprietary." Without knowing exactly what is in the dispersants, tracking them and studying their impacts is near impossible.
Nalco has claimed that Corexit "is a simple blend of six well-established, safe ingredients that biodegrade, do not bioaccumulate and are commonly found in popular household products…The COREXIT products do not contain carcinogens or reproductive toxins."
The EPA website lists eight ingredients – not the six referred to by Nalco. Among the ingredients is 2-butoxy ethanol, which possesses the following characteristics:
- 2-Butoxy Ethanol can affect you by ingestion and may be absorbed through the skin.
- 2-Butoxy Ethanol should be handled as a CARCINOGEN--WITH EXTREME CAUTION.
- Contact can irritate the skin and eyes with possible eye damage.
- Inhaling 2-Butoxy Ethanol can irritate the nose and throat.
- 2-Butoxy Ethanol can cause nausea, vomiting, diarrhea and abdominal pain.
- Exposure can cause headache, dizziness, lightheadedness, and passing out.
- 2-Butoxy Ethanol may damage the liver and kidneys.
More than 1,121,000 gallons of dispersant have been dumped into the Gulf of Mexico. Such quantities are unprecedented and never before have dispersants been used at such extreme ocean depths. Scientists do not know what the environmental and public health impacts will be. There have been reports of workers who might have been exposed to the dispersant getting sick.
The rules governing disclosure of alleged trade secrets clearly provide for the disclosure of chemical identities in the case of an emergency. As OMB Watch mentioned previously, the rules "contain emergency provisions that allow the EPA to disclose CBI under conditions where public health and the environment face 'imminent and substantial danger' or 'an unreasonable risk of injury.'"
After weeks of gallon after gallon pouring into the Gulf, finally the public is given the most basic information crucial to monitoring the fate and impacts of these chemicals. EPA had the authority to act all along; its decision to now disclose the ingredients demonstrates this. Yet it took a public outcry and weeks of complaints for the agency to act and place the public's interest ahead of corporate interests.
(Brian Turnbaugh* 06/08/10; 28 comments)