Back in August, I wrote a post on a WaPo article about George Raymond, a former Army official with the Communications-Electronic Command (CECOM), and allegations that Raymond steered government contracts to his friends and then broke ethics rules by taking a comfortable job in the contracting industry afterwards. The Post is now reporting that the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee – which has been investigating the matter since the story broke – recently requested all documents, emails, and material related to the $200 million worth of CECOM technology contracts that Raymond allegedly steered to friends.
In a Nov. 23 letter to Army Secretary John McHugh, the House oversight panel specifically asked for materials relating a $185 million BearingPoint contract that Raymond acted as a program manager for during his tenure with CECOM, and Raymond's subsequent employment with Computer Sciences Corp., now CSC. According to the Post, the investigation will lead to a hearing sometime in the near future and act as a springboard for a larger inquiry into contracting problems at the Pentagon.
With the Obama administration making contracting reform a major priority of its first term, this move by the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee makes sense. However, I hope that these hearings don't simply become another round of dog and pony shows on government contracting.
Image by Flickr user johnsolid used under a Creative Commons license.
(Gary Therkildsen 11/30/09; 0 comments)The Department of the Interior published today an advanced notice of proposed rulemaking that lays out options for mitigating the environmental impact of mountaintop mining. Specifically, the notice discusses a Bush administration rule finalized in December 2008 which allows mining operations to dump waste in or near rivers and streams. I’ve been critical of the advanced notice before, because it is an unnecessary step in the regulatory process that will delay water quality protections.
Interior’s surface mining office operates under the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act. As Interior acknowledged in the notice, the Act requires mountaintop mining agencies to “minimize disturbances and adverse impacts of the operation on fish, wildlife, and related environmental values, and achieve enhancement of such resources where practicable.”
That’s not happening now. Hundreds of miles of streams and rivers have been completely obliterated in the Appalachians in recent years. Both the surrounding environment and the communities dependent upon those water supplies have suffered as a result.
The advanced notice proposes 10 alternatives which “are not necessarily mutually exclusive,” the notice says.
The most straightforward option is the first one listed – repealing the Bush-era rule and replacing it with the rule that had previously been in place. That option would restore a 100 foot buffer zone around rivers and streams.
Other options include changing the permitting process for new mining operations by placing it in the context of the Clean Water Act (which demands preservation of water quality) and/or increasing consultations with the EPA and the Army Corps of Engineers.
But the bottom line is that any regulatory improvement will have to wait. While the process drags on, Interior will update its environmental impact statement – a document required by the National Environmental Policy Act.
(Matthew Madia 11/30/09; 0 comments)On Nov. 30, Congress and the President succeeded in tying the hands of the judicial system from releasing photographic evidence of American soldiers torturing detainees in U.S. custody in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Supreme Court today reversed a lower court ruling that the pictures must be released.
Since the lower court decision, the Obama administration worked to aggressively cover up evidence behind closed doors despite its public posturing. Attorney General Eric Holder testified in June that the administration would appeal the lower court decision to the Supreme Court and if unsuccessful would review their opinions on the matter.
Statements by Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Joseph Lieberman (I-CT), however, indicated that the administration wanted to see legislative action to stop the release of the photographs. After Holder’s testimony, the Senate passed the Detainee Records Photo Protection Act of 2009 (S 1285) with unanimous consent that would have exempted such photographs from the Freedom of Information Act. The bill passed easily in the House on October 28 as an amendment to the Defense Department’s authorization bill (HR 2647).
Unsurprisingly, the Supreme Court pointed to this legislation in a one-paragraph ruling as the reason for allowing the administration to withhold these records. The decision places the case back in the hands of the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals which will likely follow orders not to release the records.
Earlier this year, the Obama administration released memoranda that detailed the policy and actions of U.S. personnel in torturing detainees because “the existence of that approach to interrogation was already widely known.” Logic follows that continuing to withhold the images of such abuses can only be an effort to obscure the historical record. The administration, on the other hand, claims it is an effort to protect American soldiers. However, it’s impossible to conceive of how our soldiers are safer if our government continues to conceal evidence of its past crimes.
The Federation of American Scientists blog, Secrecy News, revealed early last week that a revised draft of an executive order on the classification of national security information was circulated by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in mid-November. Despite consulting with the open government community during the policy making process, the policy is rumored to be an unfortunate step backward.
The executive order deals, in part, with the deadline to declassify historical national security records. The Obama order would reportedly overturn the standing order created by the Clinton administration and amended by the Bush administration that establishes December 31, 2009 as the deadline for declassification of classified records that are at least 25 years old and that involve multiple agency interests. Intelligence agencies have found the date particularly burdensome as they are unwilling to forego a review of the records. Giving into this push back, the administration plans to indefinitely delay the release of these documents.
We still hope for some positive measures to be included in the order. In particular, a leaked August 2009 draft of the Obama order indicated that a National Declassification Center would be established to facilitate interagency review of historical records. Further, it would require agencies to train employees to avoid overclassification and establish higher standards of accountability for employees who derivatively classify information.
In early phases of policy development, the administration consulted with the public and open government community. The process began with a May 27 memorandum issued by President Obama that created an interagency taskforce to look into the problem of overclassification. The deliberations were open to the public through the use of a blog hosted by the Public Interest Declassification Board.
Apparently, some opinions were ignored or unheard.
I hope this is not a sign of things to come. The right-to-know community is still waiting for other policy announcements concerning issues it has weighed in on. The administration also consulted advocates on the forthcoming Open Government Directive and policy on controlled unclassified information. We shall see whether the administration will heed outside advice by bringing openness to the culture of secrecy in government or continue to make concessions.
In an unprecedented move to increase congressional transparency, as of 1 pm this afternoon, the House of Representatives Statement of Disbursements is available online.
The Statement of Disbursements (SOD) is a record of the public funds received and expended by Members of Congress in their pursuit of their official representational duties, as well as the expenditures of the House committees, leadership, and administrative offices. Disclosure has been required by law since 1964, and must be published within 60 days of the end of a quarter.
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) directed the Chief Administrative Officer in June 2009 to make the records available online. Prior to today's release, the SOD were publically available, but only in book form either at Federal Depository Libraries or for purchase from the Government Printing Office. Those who had the time and resources to access a copy were then faced with the cumbersome task of finding what they were looking for in a poorly indexed three volume, 3400 page document. As a result, public access in practice was restricted.
This is a big step towards increased congressional transparency, and one that will surely increase public trust in the institution and in their representatives in the long run. The United States has been, for the most part, spared the sorts of expense scandals that have plagued the British Parliament of late, but there were several instances in the early 1990s of Members of Congress misusing office funds for their personal gain. Easy access to these records for both the public and the press will aid both groups in holding the people's representatives to account, and stands as a serious disincentive to abusing public funds.
As noted by John Wonderlich on the Sunlight Foundation blog, today's disclosure is only a first step. This earliest edition of the website only features the SOD in a large PDF file with minimal search functionality. The next logical step is to increase the user friendliness of the disclosure.
The Senate, which issues its own Statement of Disbursements semi-annually, is due to put their expenditure reports online beginning in 2011 at the start of the 112th Congress, in order to allow time to develop sufficient web infrastructure for the release.
(Chris George 11/30/09; 0 comments)Earlier this month, Rep. Lynn Woolsey (D-CA) suggested that the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) look into the work of the United States Council of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) for their extensive lobbying on the health care bill. Woolsey charged the work "was more than mere advocacy."
They seemed to dictate the finer points of the amendment, and managed to bully members of Congress to vote for added restrictions on a perfectly legal surgical procedure. And this political effort was subsidized by taxpayers, since the Council enjoys tax-exempt status. [. . .] The IRS is less restrictive about church involvement in efforts to influence legislation than it is about involvement in campaigns and elections.
Churches may engage in lobbying, as long as it is no more than "insubstantial" and are exempt from reporting requirements. Eliza Carney's latest column in the National Journal ($$) examines the role of the Catholic bishops, "who've emerged as formidable lobbyists but who face virtually none of the lobbying or disclosure rules that apply to the rest of Washington."
At a press conference, Barry Lynn the executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State (AU), called on the Catholic bishops to voluntarily disclose their lobbying expenditures. "The move would not be without precedent. The Friends Committee on National Legislation, the advocacy arm of the Religious Society of Friends, details its $3.5 million budget on its Web site."
Still, recent religious political activism has exposed regulatory loopholes, said legal scholar Brian Galle. The Mormon church's multimillion-dollar ballot initiative campaign to ban same-sex marriage in California "exposes a serious hole in the fabric of the federal law," Galle recently wrote in the Northwestern University Law Review. While churches and other charities may do no more than "insubstantial" lobbying, Galle said, the IRS has failed to precisely define that term and issued few clear guidelines to govern lobbying by charities.(Amanda Adams 11/24/09; 3 comments)
There’s a lot going on at the Consumer Product Safety Commission. Several news items have popped up this week covering a variety of the products the agency is responsible for keeping safe. Strung together, the stories show an agency struggling to regain its footing as a trusted regulator after years of dawdling.
Here’s a quick recap of some of the stories and my impressions at first blush of how CSPC is handling them.
CPSC released yesterday a report examining the health effects of contaminated Chinese drywall. The Chinese drywall has been increasingly showing up in American homes, especially in areas devastated by Hurricane Katrina. The drywall has been causing breathing problems and skin irritation and has corroded home fixtures.
Verdict: Thumbs down. The report identifies a strong correlation between the drywall and corrosion but still only classifies the link between drywall and health effects as probable. Nonetheless, CPSC is urging those who live in homes containing the drywall to spend more time outdoors. Absent a definitive position, CPSC is breeding uncertainty and fear.
The report also says, “There are several known inventories of uninstalled Chinese drywall in the United States and the owners of these stockpiles have been notified of this ongoing investigation and advised to notify the CPSC if they sell or dispose of any drywall from their inventory.” So, as long as CPSC is notified, this stuff could still be sold and end up in homes?
CPSC and Stork Craft Manufacturing announced yesterday that Stork is recalling more than two million drop side cribs after they were linked to the deaths of four infants.
Verdict: Thumbs up. CPSC Chairwoman Inez Tenenbaum said yesterday that her agency had not moved quickly enough on the cribs, but she is attempting to make up for the delay. In addition to the mega recall, “Tenenbaum said there is a compelling reason to ban the cribs altogether,” AP reports. This is the kind of strong warning and decisive statement missing from the drywall story.
A new report from U.S. PIRG finds that a substantial number of toys still contain lead and phthalates, a harmful class of chemicals found in certain plastics, even though Congress directed CPSC to ban both substances.
Verdict: Thumbs sideways. I don’t want to excuse lead contaminated toys, but Congress gave CPSC a big job when it banned lead and phthalates, and it did not give the agency or manufacturers much time to respond. The PIRG report also points out that CPSC has successfully orchestrated recalls of many products found to be in violation of the lead standard. PIRG spokeswoman Elizabeth Hitchcock told the Washington Post, "We have seen substantial progress over the last year” but "At the same time, we are seeing some products that slip through the cracks."
The New York Times reports today that the CPSC is in the midst of a big outreach effort to educate consumers about all-terrain vehicle safety, especially for young riders. CPSC is also keeping a watchful eye on imported ATVs, some of which do not meet mandatory safety standards that went into effect in April.
Verdict: Incomplete. As the Times reports, holding imported ATVs to the U.S. standard isn’t good enough, since the U.S. standard is not sufficient in the first place. CPSC’s outreach efforts are good, but CPSC will need to work hard to significantly reduce the dangers associated with ATV use. ATV accidents kill hundreds of people every year.
(Matthew Madia 11/24/09; 1 comment)This past Saturday evening, the Senate took a break from considering health care insurance reform to confirm Daniel Gordon to be the next administrator of the Office of Federal Procurement Policy (OFPP). President Obama nominated Gordon on Oct. 2. A former deputy general counsel of the Government Accountability Office (GAO), Gordon will face several challenges as soon as he begins his tenure.
During his nomination hearing on Nov. 10, Gordon outlined a broad set of goals that he intends to pursue as OFPP administrator. According to a Government Executive article, Gordon assured the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee that he would work to expand the size and improve the training of the acquisition workforce; find ways to save money and reduce risk in acquisitions; advance procurement planning; and strengthen contract management. Coincidentally, President Obama recently laid out similar goals in two sets of guidance – one in July and the other in October – from the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), which houses the OFPP.
Gordon rightly focused most of his attention during his testimony on increasing the size of the acquisition workforce and improving its training. All of the issues he pointed out are salient to reforming the government's bloated and unaccountable contracting system, but true change will not occur until the government actively works to reform what some have dubbed the "culture of complacency" within the personnel system.
The confirmation of Gordon, according to Office of Management and Budget (OMB) Director Peter Orszag, solidifies the OMB team; and it couldn't have come any sooner. Gordon, as the administrator of the policy shop that oversees all aspects of federal government contracting, will be responsible for carrying out the president's directive to cut procurement spending by 7 percent over the next two fiscal years. Along with reforming the acquisition workforce, and addressing contract competition and management, Gordon has his work cut out for him.
Image by Flickr user johnsolid used under a Creative Commons license.
(Gary Therkildsen 11/24/09; 0 comments)The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has launched a new feature on its website that uses several new interactive Web technologies that let users track the emissions of sulfur dioxide (SO2) from coal-fired power plants. SO2 is a pollutant that causes acid rain and harm to public health. EPA's Acid Rain Program (ARP) has been tracking quarterly SO2 emissions from covered power plants since 1995. The new features are a welcome tool for helping the public and government officials track pollution, hold polluting facilities accountable, and ensure that policies to reduce pollution are working.
Open government advocates have been urging federal agencies to incorporate such "data visualization" tools to help the public see trends, identify problems, and understand the bigger story that all the numbers are telling.
The SO2 emissions tracking tools are found here.
(Brian Turnbaugh 11/20/09; 0 comments)In a Nov. 18 press release, the Interior Department trumpets “Initiatives to Better Protect Streams in Coal Country.”
Is the Obama administration finally doing away with the terrible stream buffer zone rule finalized near the end of the Bush administration – the rule that lifted the decades-old ban on depositing mountaintop mining refuse in or near rivers and streams?
Not exactly. Interior is announcing that sometime in the near future it will publish an advanced notice of proposed rulemaking (ANPRM) which will request “comments on alternatives for revising the current regulations.” The advanced notice currently awaits White House approval. An actual proposed rule will be delayed until 2011, according to the Sierra Club.
(Update: Interior published the notice Nov. 30. Read more here.)
The Obama administration had tried to roll back the Bush-era stream buffer zone rule in the courts. Although their effort was valiant, they were rebuffed by a federal judge who faulted the administration over procedural requirements.
Those circumstances engendered hope that the administration takes the stream buffer zone rule seriously; this latest news does not.
Joe Pizarchik, the head of Interior’s surface mining office, said, “We are moving as expeditiously as possible in the rulemaking process, but we will not take shortcuts around the law or the science.”
That statement is a bunch of hooey. There is no need for Interior to issue an ANPRM. An actual notice of proposed rulemaking would include any scientific conclusions the agency has made and could pose questions on any science the agency feels is unsettled. ANPRMs are not required by the Administrative Procedure Act or any other federal regulatory process statute. They are particularly useless in situations where an agency has already settled on proposing a course of action (in this case, using a new rule to modify or repeal the Bush rule). The ANPRM is an unnecessary step that will delay the goal of reinstating environmental protection for rivers and streams in coal country, plain and simple.
This is not the first time the Obama administration has sent mixed signals on mountaintop mining. In May, after meeting with coal industry representatives, the administration approved a dozen mountaintop mining permits. The decision came about two months after the EPA said that it would conduct more scrupulous environmental reviews of permit applications.
Most environmentalists would agree that ending mountaintop mining should be a priority for the Obama administration; but if it’s not, at least be honest about it.
Photo by Flickr user NRDC media, used under a Creative Commons license.
(Matthew Madia 11/20/09; 0 comments)