On Tuesday, Americans for a Fair Estate Tax (AFET), a diverse coalition of public interest groups that OMB Watch is a part of and that champion a strong estate tax, adopted a new statement of principles on the tax. We argue that with both a dire need for the government to increase investment in basic public services and a credible long-term deficit problem looming, this is no time for Congress to grant further financial relief to the country's wealthiest citizens by reducing the estate tax.
In the document, Americans for a Fair Estate Tax further maintains that the estate tax provides a needed check on the concentration of wealth and power in this country while ensuring that those families who have benefited the most from publically provided goods pay their fair share to maintain them.
With this in mind, AFET calls on Congress and the President to take the following steps:
You can read the specifics of these proposals within our statement of principles.
Image by Flickr user ilConte used under a Creative Commons license.
(Gary Therkildsen 02/26/10; 2 comments)All the pieces are in place for Senate passage of major food safety legislation that would give the Food and Drug Administration new powers to police both home grown and imported foods. “[I]t is urgent that that FDA food safety legislation, which could improve the safety of 80 percent of the food supply, not get pushed behind other pressing issues that are less likely to garner bipartisan support,” Caroline Smith DeWaal, food safety director for the Center for Science in the Public Interest, writes in an op-ed for The Hill.
The bill, the FDA Food Safety Modernization Act (S. 510), developed in a bipartisan environment, DeWaal writes:
Amid the rancorous partisanship that has marked the past year in the nation’s capital, a bipartisan effort to pass food safety legislation has been quietly taking shape. While the healthcare negotiations have broken down, restarted, and now seem to be in limbo, efforts quiet but sure to upgrade the Food and Drug Administration’s food safety mandate are progressing steadily. The last push for Senate action is near. And that effort is evidence that Washington can sometimes work, albeit slowly.
Seven of the bill’s 15 cosponsors are Republicans, DeWaal notes. A similar bill enjoyed bipartisan support in the House where it passed last July, 283 to 142.
I’m less than sanguine about quick passage in the Senate – a body that seems to revel in slackery and incompetence. The food safety bill has been good to go since November when it passed the Senate health committee. What’s a bipartisan bill have to do to get some floor action in this town?
Nonetheless, the bill should remain a high priority for two reasons, as DeWaal argues. First, the bill would improve the safety of the food supply by allowing the agency to order mandatory recalls of tainted food products (a power it does not currently possess) and implement a program to collect fees from certain food facilities to fund increased safety inspections, among other provisions. Second, it would serve as evidence that government works to protect the public (and that government works period).
The latter is no small achievement. According to a recent CNN poll, 83 percent of Americans think our government is broken. According to a different poll, a majority of Americans think government has grown so large that “it poses an immediate threat to the rights and freedoms of ordinary citizens.”
Ensuring the safety and integrity of the food supply is an example of government intervention that aids, not threatens. Considering voter frustration with government’s role in society – which I believe stems in large part from the political morass that has bogged down health care reform and economic stimulus – now is an opportune time to highlight what government can do well.
(Matthew Madia 02/26/10; 1 comment)
Earlier today, the Recovery Board released the list of Recovery Act recipients who did not file during the second reporting period. According to the Board, recipients of 1,036 awards failed to file during this quarter, which was from Oct. 1 through Dec. 31. That number represents a whopping 76 percent decline from the first reporting cycle, which saw 4,359 missing award reports, and is less than one percent of all the award reports. Equally good news is that of the 1,036 missing reports, only 389 were from "repeat offenders," or recipients who failed to file in both quarters.
The trend from the non-filer list echoes other data the Recovery Board also posts, such as the late filers and report corrections. According to the Board, the second reporting cycle saw half as many late reports, which are award reports filed after the filing deadline. This past cycle, 7.3 percent of recipients filed late, down from 14.9 percent of reporters in the first round of reporting, and of these late reports, a vast majority of them were not repeat offenders. Similarly, only 12.75 percent of award reports were changed after the fact (recipients can change their reports for several months after the filing deadline), as opposed to over 21 percent in the first round.
These data sets show what we've been assuming would happen: Recovery Act recipients are learning. As time passes, and recipients learn how the reporting system works and how they're supposed to file, the number of reporting errors are slowly decreasing. More recipients are reporting on time, fewer are forgetting to report (or are understanding that they have to report), and there are fewer mistakes to correct after the fact. And this progress is despite the fact that there are more award reports in the second round than the first.
This trend will probably continue over the coming cycles, although it will be interesting to see if it hits a floor at some point, i.e. if there is some baseline level of user error we just can't escape.
The next important statistic to look at will be the change in data quality between quarters. While we know recipients are learning how to file, what we don't know is if they are entering better quality information this time around. Are there fewer award amount errors? Fewer job counting errors? Late reports are bad, but flawed data is even worse.
Image by Flickr user ekilby used under a Creative Commons license.
(Sam Rosen-Amy 02/25/10; 0 comments)A new report from the Environmental Integrity Project and Earthjustice uncovers dozens of cases where ponds of toxic coal combustion waste have leaked into nearby wetlands, streams, and groundwater supplies.
Coal ash – sometimes referred to as fly ash, bottom ash, or, generally, coal combustion waste or residuals – is a byproduct of coal power plants captured from smoke stacks and stored in large retention ponds. The coal ash issue drew national attention in 2008 after a major spill sent the toxic goo cascading across parts of Tennessee.
The EIP/Earthjustice report makes the case that coal ash ponds are a serious hazard:
Coal-fired power plants generate nearly 140 million tons of fly ash, scrubber sludge, and other combustion wastes every year. These wastes contain some of the earth‘s most deadly pollutants, including arsenic, cadmium, lead, selenium, and other toxic metals that can cause cancer and neurological harm in humans and poison fish. This report brings to light 31 coal combustion waste sites that are known to have contaminated groundwater, wetlands, creeks, or rivers in 14 states.
EPA pledged to issue a notice of proposed rulemaking for coal ash ponds by the end of 2009 but has yet to do so. On Oct. 16, 2009, the agency sent a draft proposal to the White House Office of Management and Budget’s Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA); 132 days later, the rule is still under review. The draft is not available to the public, as is customary with OIRA reviews.
EPA regulation could help prevent the types of contamination detailed in the report, the environmental groups argue. “Yet, incredibly, ash and other coal combustion wastes are not subject to any federal regulations,” the report says. “The EPA promised to close this loophole by proposing new standards before the end of 2009. Instead, the EPA‘s draft rule is stalled at the Office of Management and Budget, where an avalanche of lobbyists hope it will stay buried.”
Since the beginning of the review period for the rule, OIRA has convened more than two dozen meetings between EPA and opponents of EPA’s regulation, mostly from industry. There have been five meetings with environmental groups.
One industry representative, Tom Adams of the American Coal Ash Association, told the Tennessean that OMB stayed in listening mode during the meetings: “In meetings with the federal Office of Management and Budget, Adams said he and others talked and answered questions, but the federal officials would not answer any questions themselves, and mostly took notes and listened. ‘They were doing a pretty good job of maintaining their poker faces,’ he said.”
By OIRA’s own rules, it has 90 days to review a draft rule. In consultation with the agency, OIRA may extend the review period once by 30 days (which it did on Jan. 14). The extension expired on Feb. 13.
OMB spokesperson Kenneth Baer told BNA news service (subscription), “All parties are working hard to resolve the remaining issues.”
Image courtesy of Brian Stansberry, Wikimedia Commons.
(Matthew Madia 02/25/10; 2 comments)The American Constitution Society (ACS) hosted an event to discuss the Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. Five panelists assessed the prospects for congressional legislation. Not surprisingly, their opinions diverged on the ruling's long-term impact. There are numerous practical and constitutional issues involved in passing any of the bills introduced and it is doubtful whether or not legislators would even be able to agree on any of the proposals.
According to BNA Money and Politics ($$), Jan Baran, an attorney who represents the U.S. Chamber of Commerce said that "legislative proposals now being discussed come from congressional leaders who are clear in their intent to simply limit the scope of campaign spending that the Supreme Court has now said is constitutionally protected." James Portnoy, an attorney for Kraft Foods, said that he had "great skepticism" that any campaign finance reform legislation would be passed.
Meanwhile, Senator Chris Dodd (D-CT) has introduced a constitutional amendment to reverse the ruling, with Senator Tom Udall (D-NM) joining as a cosponsor. This is the third proposed constitutional amendment in response to Citizens United. According to Dodd's press release, the amendment "would authorize Congress to regulate the raising and spending of money for federal political campaigns, including independent expenditures, and allow states to regulate such spending at their level." Any constitutional amendment is a long shot, requiring a two-thirds vote in both the House and the Senate followed by ratification of three-fourths of the states.
On the state level, the National Conference of State Legislatures details that there are at least 23 states that currently prohibit or restrict corporate and union spending on candidate elections. Many states will now move forward to change these laws, and if not, there will likely be legal challenges. For example, in Minnesota it is illegal for corporations to try to influence elections by funding campaigns to defeat or endorse candidates. The Minnesota Chamber of Commerce is suing to make Minnesota's laws in sync with the Court decision.
USA Today reports that states nationwide "are rushing to rewrite campaign-finance laws." Bills offered in Iowa and Maryland are moving forward to require shareholder approval of political spending and to force public disclosure of corporate spending in state elections.
For more information on legislation in response to Citizens United, read this article from the latest Watcher.
(Amanda Adams* 02/25/10; 1 comment)Over a million families are hanging on by thread, and all Sen. Jon Kyl (R-$$) wants to do is cut taxes for heirs of multimillion dollar estates. In fact, he wants to give scions of the rich tax cuts so badly that he's blocking health insurance assistance and a badly needed Unemployment Insurance extension from getting through the Senate.
Unbelievable.Senate Democrats have found Republican support elusive for a bill that would combine year-long extensions of expired tax provisions with similar continuations of expanded unemployment coverage and health insurance subsidies for jobless workers.
[...]
Still, Minority Whip Jon Kyl , R-Ariz., said Republicans will block consideration of the new bill unless they get “a path forward fairly soon” on the estate tax.
Kyl has, in the past, proposed estate tax amendments that would give over $340 billion in tax cuts to heirs of multi-million dollar estates, and he would likely offer something similar given the oppurtunity.
Judy Conti of the National Employment Law Project (NELP) tells us what's a stake:
"The official statement coming out of Kyl's office is that the are holding up unemployment insurance to use as leverage for the estate tax," Conti told HuffPot. "They are jeopardizing the only lifeline that 1.2 million workers and their families have so that dead multimillionaires won't have to pay taxes."
According to NELP's analysis, 1.2 million people will prematurely lose unemployment benefits next month unless Congress acts.
United for a Fair Economy's Lee Farris calls this sort of hostage taking an "outrage":
'Why are Senators Kyl and Grassley more worried about enriching the heirs of multimillionaires than about helping Americans hit hardest by the recession?' asks Lee Farris, Estate Tax Policy Coordinator at United for a Fair Economy (UFE). 'It is an outrage that they are willing to hold struggling Americans hostage in their efforts to secure another huge tax cut for the wealthy Wall Street crowd that crashed our economy in the first place!'
Call Jon Kyl's office at (202) 224-4521, (602) 840-1891, or (520) 575-8633 and politely state your abhorrence to this move. You can e-mail his office using this form.
(Craig Jennings 02/25/10; 11 comments)Yesterday morning, Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) held a press conference to announce the reintroduction of legislation to phase out the government's use of private security contractors in war zones. The Stop Outsourcing Security Act, which Schakowsky and Sanders originally introduced in 2007, seeks to prevent contractors in war zones from performing "mission critical or emergency essential functions," including security, military and police training, interrogation, and intelligence.
During the press conference, Sanders explained the rationale for the bill thusly:
I believe that it is wrong and extremely dangerous for private companies to perform mission critical functions in the field of war. Private contractors do not operate within the traditional military chain of command. They are not subject to the same rigorous standards of vetting and training as are members of our armed forces. Most importantly, ... the function of a private corporation is to make as much money as possible, not to serve the best interests of the people of the United States or our policies.
Sen. Sanders hits the nail on the head. Time after time after time, private security contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan have shown their inability to perform mission critical functions up to the military's standards by engaging in questionable conduct that severely damages the image of the United States abroad. Just as appalling, the offenders, more often than not, escape without sufficient reprimand, if they receive punishment at all. These events, both the abhorrent conduct and the lack of consequences, are even more harmful in the context of a counterinsurgency effort wherein the military is trying to protect and win over a foreign populous.
Phasing out security contractors, though, will likely prove a difficult task, both legislatively and logistically. Legislatively, the government contracting industry, especially the defense contracting industry – within which most security contractors reside – is an exceptionally powerful lobbying force. Faced with essentially the demise of their industry, the security contracting community, represented by influential groups such as the Professional Services Council and the Orwellian-named International Peace Operations Association, will fight tooth and nail against this bill.
Logistically, the government employed, at last count, roughly 22,000 security contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan. That's a lot of personnel, and while the legislation grants the federal government until the end of the year to replace all security contractors and permits the president a temporary waiver for agencies that can't make the transition deadline, it would be difficult for the government to ramp up hiring to fill those positions that fast. Indeed, the Defense and State departments have gradually transitioned to the use of contractors mainly because they didn't have an adequate number of personnel to carry out their missions to begin with and they view security contractors as a cost-effective substitute.
Reintroduction of the outsourcing bill comes at a propitious moment for Schakowsky and Sanders, as the Senate Armed Services Committee held a hearing this morning to investigate charges of corruption against Blackwater/Xe, an infamous security contractor. Whether the increased attention to this issue will help boost the bill's chances of passage is debatable, but one would think that security contractors could create only so many high profile foreign policy headaches for the United States before Congress stepped in to cut them off. With that said, the first time Schakowsky and Sanders introduced their bill in 2007 they had the Nisour Square massacre providing impetus, but the bill never progressed beyond the committee level in either the House or Senate.
The use of contractors in war zones is nothing new. The United States has used contractors even before the inception of the country in the days of the American Revolution, but the unprecedented expansion of security contractors, both in their numbers and the roles that they play, is dangerous for the U.S. Even if the government finds it impossible to move beyond the use of security contractors in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, I believe it's important for Congress to at least set down a set of policies for future contingency operations.
Image by Flickr user munir used under a Creative Commons license.
(Gary Therkildsen 02/24/10; 1 comment)
Many moons ago, Congress relied on facts, science, and other evidence to guide its thinking and make decisions. One repository for such information was the Office of Technology Assessment (OTA), an arm of Congress created in 1972 to enlighten lawmakers on new technological applications and emerging issues and, if appropriate, recommend ways to harness science and technology for the public good.
A new push to restore the OTA to its former glory is gaining momentum. The OTA has been defunct since 1995 when Newt Gingrich’s Congress successfully eliminated the office’s funding.
This morning, the House subcommittee in charge of Legislative Branch spending held a public hearing to discuss the FY 2011 budget, scheduled to begin Oct. 1, 2010. Restoring funding for the OTA was one of several issues on the docket.
Dr. Francesca Grifo, Senior Scientist with the Union of Concerned Scientists, argued that Congress, and by extension the public, needs the OTA:
Members of Congress certainly do not lack for input, but in many situations they do lack credible and nonpartisan information that is structured in a way they can easily use. OTA was uniquely structured to provide credible information in the following areas:While the analysis produced by OTA did not always drive congressional decision making, it did set boundaries to the debate, rule out some scientifically incorrect arguments, and help to frame political decisions in technically defensible ways.
- Unnecessary expenditure of taxpayer money on unproven technologies or other policies that are scientifically indefensible
- Early identification and analysis of technological issues before they became national Crises
- Evaluation of Executive Branch science and technology initiatives to aid Congress in its oversight duties.
By federal government standards, OTA doesn’t need a lot of money to get rolling. In FY 1995, its last full year of operation, OTA’s budget was $21 million. The office had a staff of 183.
“When OTA was operational, it more than earned its keep by identifying wasteful and ineffective programs and suggesting improvements to others,” Grifo said. For example:
A 1988 OTA study, “Healthy Children: Investing in the Future” pointed out the vulnerability of low birthweight infants to a variety of physical and mental disabilities. Its research concluded that expanding Medicaid eligibility to all pregnant women living in poverty would cost much less than the cost of $14,000 to $30,000 to treat the health problems of each low birthweight infants. That study helped change Medicaid eligibility rules by expanding access to prenatal care to millions of women in poverty.
The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) is leading the charge to restore funding (go to www.ucsusa.org/ota for more). Dozens of leading public health, environmental, transparency, and good government advocacy organizations have signed onto a letter calling on Congress to restore funding. (Your organization can still sign on: Contact UCS.) A separate sign-on letter for the scientific community is also available.
We’ll have more as Congress begins to write the FY 2011 budget. Check back for opportunities to get involved.
(Matthew Madia 02/24/10; 4 comments)Curious about the information government is tracking about your community’s health? What about data on the wetlands in your area? Or perhaps the federal contracts going to your community’s businesses? Well, now is the time to let the government know what you want to see. They're listening.
All agencies are currently soliciting public input into what federal information to release via Data.gov. If you know what kinds of information would be useful to you, even in the broadest sense, then you can submit your request directly to the agency. You can also view other items your fellow citizens have requested.
The best way to submit your ideas is to go to the OpenGov Open Feedback Firehose over at Intelletics. The Firehose is a catalog of all the portals where you can submit requests to specific agencies. Simply click on the link to the agency you want speak to, sign in, and leave your comment. You can also vote on the requests made by others!
The Supreme Court heard arguments today (Feb. 23) in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, a case challenging the constitutionality of the definition of material support. Human rights and humanitarian aid charities say the law is so broad that it squelches their speech and advocacy work. The definition of material support includes services, training, expert advice, and could criminalize their work even when they have peaceful goals.
The justices agreed to take up the case after the Ninth Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the Humanitarian Law Project. The group wants to provide training in conflict resolution to the Kurdistan Workers Party and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, both classified as terrorist organizations by the U.S.
According to SCOTUSblog, during arguments the justices raised questions about whether a distinction can be drawn among different types of support that individuals provide to terrorist organizations. For more information and background, visit the Charity and Security Network.
(Amanda Adams* 02/23/10; 0 comments)